TUSAYAN KATCINAS 



JEStSE WALTER FEWKES 



EXTRACT FROM THE FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT OF THE 
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY 




WASHINGTON 

GOVERN IE NT PRINTING OFFICE 

189 7 



TUSAYAN KATCINAS 



/ 



JESSE WALTER FEWKES 



EXTRACT FROM THE FIFTEENTH ANNUAL RErORT OF THE 
BUREAU <>F ETHNOLOGY 




WASHINGTON 

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 

1897 

S 












52274 



CONTENTS 



Page 

251 
Introduction 

Tabular v iiw of the sequence of Tusayan celebrations 255 

Names of months and corresponding ceremonials 256 

Means of determining the time for ceremonials 258 

Classification of ceremonials 260 

Discussion of previous descriptions of Katcinas 264 

Classification of Kacliinas 26o 

Elaborate Katcinas 268 

Soyaluna 268 

Katcma s return "'*' 

Powaniu "' 

Paliiliikouti 291 

Niuiaukateiua 292 

Abbreviated Katcinas 292 



( lharacteristi 
Siocalako . . . 
Pawikkatciiia. 



Comparative study of Katcina dances in Cibola and Tusayan 

247 



292 
296 
299 



Wi a katcina 303 



304 



ILLUSTRATIONS 



Page 
Plate CIV. A, Shield with star symbol; /.'. Soyalufia shield with star and 

unknown Bymbol; < '. Symbolic sun shield 262 

CV. The Natacka ceremony at Walpi 267 

* CVI. Hahaiwtiqti, Natacka, and Soyokmana 272 

- CVII. DollofCalakomana 278 

' CVIII. Katcina mask with squash-blossom appendage and rain-cloud 

symbolism 286 

('IX. lioll ofCfilakomana ( mistakenly given on the plate asCiilakotaka). 294 

CX. Head-dress of Alosoka 301 

CXI. APowamnmask 306 

Figure 39. Tablet of the Palahfkomana mask 262 

40. TheAuakatcina 294 

41. Maskette of Afiakateinainana 295 

42. Position of celebrants in the court of Sitcomovi in Sioca'lako 298 

43. Mask of Pawikkatcina (front view) 299 

44. Mask of Pawikkatcina (side view) 300 

45. Mask of Pawikkatcinamana 301 

46. Stall' of Pawikkatcina 301 

47. Helmets, car of corn, and spruce bough arranged for reception 

ceremony 302 

48. Symbolism of the helmet of lliimiskatcma (tablet removed) 307 

249 



THE GROUP OF TUSAYAN CEREMONIALS CALLED 

KATCINAS' 



By Jesse Walter Fewkes 



INTRODUCTION 



In their use of the word Katcina 2 the Hopi or Moki apply the term 
to supernatural beings impersonated by men wearing masks or by 
statuettes in imitation of the same. The dances in which the former 
appear are likewise called by the same name which with the orthogra- 
phy "Cachena" is used in descriptions of these dances in the valley of 
the upper Rio Grande. The present use of the term among the Tusayan 
Indians leads me to consider it as almost a synonym of a supernatural 
being of surbordinate rank to the great deities. Ancestral worship 
plays a not inconspicuous part in the Hopi conception of a Katcina. 

When we endeavor to classify the ceremonials which form the ritual 
practiced by the Tusayan villagers, the subject is found to be so com- 
plex that it can be adequately treated only by the help of observations 
extending through many years. The plan which I have followed in my 
work, as will be seeii in previous publications, has been to gather and 
record data in regard to the details of individual observances as a basis 
for generalization. 

My former publications on this subject have therefore been simply 
records of observations. 3 For various reasons it has seemed well to 
anticipate a final and general account and interpretation, with ten- 
tative efforts at a classification to serve as a stepping-stone to a more 
exhaustive and complete discussion of the relationship of these observ- 
ances, which would naturally appear in an elaborate memoir necessi- 
tating a broader method of treatment than any yet adopted. 



'These studios were made while the author was connected with the Hemenway Expedition from 
1890 to 1894, .mil the memoir, which was prepared in 1894, includes the results of the observations of 
the late A. M. Stephen as well as of those of the author. 

•Tin' letters used in spelling Indian words in this article have the following sounds: a, as in far; e 
as in what; ai, as i In pine; e, as a in fate ; i, as in pique; 1, as in pin; u, as in rule ; u, as in but ; 
ii, as in the French tu ; p. b, v, similar in sound ; t and d, like the sane- in tare and dare, almost indis- 
tinguishable; ti , as eh iii chink : e, as sh in shall; h. as n in syncope; s, sibilant; r, obscure railing 
sound; 1, in. n, k, h. y. /. as in English. 

3 These observations are confined to three villages on the East mesa, which has 1 u the field more 

thoroughly cultivated hy the members of the Hemenway Expedition. 

251 



252 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [ktii. a.nx. 15 

At the present stage of my researches it would be too early to write 
such an account of the ceremonial calendar of the Tusayan villagers,but 
it has been deemed well to put on record, with many new observations, 
this preliminary outline of what may be a portion of a general system, 
to aid other investigators in kindred fields of study. When I began my 
work, four years ago, the task of bringing order out of what appeared 
to be a hopeless confusion seemed well nigh impossible, but as one cere- 
mony after another was studied it was found that the exactness of 
the ritual as exemplified in ceremonial presentations pertained even to 
details, and that there was a logical connection running throughout 
all the religious observances of the Tusayan Indians, the presentations 
of which were practically little influenced by white races with whom 
the people had been brought in contact. As these ceremonials were 
studied more sympathetically I discovered a unity throughout them 
which, whatever their origin may have been, placed them in marked con- 
trast to those of the nomads by whom they were surrounded. They 
were found to belong to a type or ceremonial area in which the other 
Pueblos are embraced, the affinities of which carry us into different 
geographic regions of the American continent. 

But while this type differs or differed in ancient times from those of 
Athapascan or Shoshonean aborigines, it bears evidence of a composite 
nature. It had become so by contributions from many sources, and 
had in turn left its impress on other areas, so that as a type the Pueblo 
culture was the only one of its kind in aboriginal America. With 
strong affinities on all sides it was unique, having nearest kinship with 
those of Mexico and Central America. 

The geographic extension of the Pueblo type of culture was no 
doubt formerly much greater than it is at the present time. What its 
original boundaries were future investigation will no doubt help us to 
decide, but the problem at present before us is the determination of its 
characteristics as a survival in our times. When once this is satis- 
factorily known, and not until then, can we advance with confidence 
to wider generalizations as to its past distribution and offer theories 
regarding its affinities with otlier ceremonial areas of the American 
race. 

It is doubtless true that we. are not progressing beyond what can be 
claimed to be known when we say that all the Pueblo peoples belong 
to the same ceremonial type. I am sure that in prehistoric and historic 
times delegations from the Rio Grande country have settled among 
the Tusayan villagers, and that many families of the latter have 
migrated back to the Rio Grande again to make permanent homes in 
that section. The most western and the most eastern peoples of this 
Pueblo culture-stock have been repeatedly united in marriage, bringing 
about a consequent commingling of blood, and the legends of both tell 
of their common character. It is too early in research to inject into sci- 
ence the idea that the Pueblos are modified Indians of other stocks, and 



fewkes] EXPLANATION OF TERMS 253 

we outstrip our knowledge of facts if we ascribe to any one village or 
group of villages the implication involved in the expression, "Father 
of the Pueblos." Part of the Pueblo culture is autochthonal, but its 
germ may have originated elsewhere, and no one existing Pueblo peo- 
ple is able satisfactorily to support the claim that it is ancestral out- 
side of a very Hunted area. 

In the present article I have tried to present a picture of one of the 
two great natural groups of ceremonials into which the Tusayau ritual 
is divided. J have sought also to lay a foundation for comparative 
studies of the same group as it exists in other pueblos, but have not 
found sufficient data in regard to these celebrations in other villages to 
carry this comparative research very far. Notwithstanding these 
dances occur in most of the pueblos, the published data about them is 
too meager for comparative uses. No connected description of these 
ceremonies in other pueblos has been published; of theoretical expla- 
nations we have more than are profitable. It is to be hoped that the 
ever-increasing interest in the ceremonials of the Pueblos of the south 
west will lead to didactic, exoteric accounts "of the rituals of all these 
peoples, for a great field for research in this direction is yet to be tilled. 

In the use, throughout this article, of the words "gods," "deities,'' and 
"worship" we undoubtedly endow the subject with conceptions which 
do not exist in the Indian mind, but spring from philosophic ideas 
resulting from our higher culture. For the first two the more cumber- 
some term "supernatural beings"' is more expressive, and the word 
"spirit" is perhaps more convenient, except from the tact that it like- 
wise has come to have a definite meaning unknown to the primitive 
mind. 

Worship, as we understand it, is not a proper term to use in the de- 
scription of the Indian's methods of approaching his supernal beings. 
It involves much which is unknown to him, and implies the existence 
of that which is foreign to his conceptions. Still, until some better 
nomenclature, more exactly defining his methods, is suggested, these 
terms from their convenience will still continue in common use. 

The dramatic element which is ascribed to the Katcina 2 ritual is 
moie prominent in the elaborate than in the abbreviated presentations, 
as would naturally be the ease, but even there it is believed to be. less 
sti iking than in the second group or those m which the performers are 
without masks. 

There exists in Hopi mythology many stories of the old times which 
form an accompanying body of tradition explaining much of the sym- 
bolism and some of the ritual, but nowhere have 1 found the sequence 
of the ceremonials to closely correspond with the episodes of the myth. 
In the Snake or the Flute dramatizations this coincidence of myth and 
ritual is more striking, but in them it has not gone so far as to be 

l "Souls " in the broadesl conception "f tbe believers in Tylor b animistic theory. 

3 The distinction between elaborate and abbreviated Kateinas will be spoken of later. 



254 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eth. ann. 15 

comparable with religious dramatizations of more cultured peoples. 
Among the Katcinas, however, it is more obscure or even very limited. 
While an abbreviated Katcina may be regarded as a reproduction 
of the celebrations recouuted in legends of times when real super- 
natural beings visited the pueblos, and thus dramatizes semimythic 
stories, I fail to see aught else in them of the dramatic element. 

The characteristic symbolism is prescribed and strictly conforms 
to the legends. Explanations of why each Katcina is marked this 
or that way can be gathered from legends, but the continuous carry- 
ing out of the sequence of events in the life of any Katcina, or any 
story of creation or migration, did not appear in any abbreviated' 
Katcina which was studied. In this subdivision a dramatic element is 
present, but only in the crudest form. In the elaborate Katcinas, how- 
ever, we find au advance in the amount of dramatization, or an attempt 
to represent a story or parts of the same. Thus we can in Soyalufia 
follow a dramatic presentation of the legend of the conflict of the sun 
with hostile deities or powers, in which both are personified. 

I must plead ignorance of the esoteric aspect of the Tusayan concep- 
tions of the Katcinas when such exists. This want of knowledge is 
immaterial, for the object of this article is simply to record what has 
been seen and goes no further. I will not say that a complete account 
of the Katcinas can be given by such a treatment, and do not know 
how much or how little of their esoterism has eluded me, but these 
observations are wholly exoteric records of events rather than esoteric 
explanations of causes. It is thought that such a treatment of the 
subject will be an important contribution to the appreciation of expla- 
nations which it naturally precedes. 

Although it seems probable that the ritual of primitive man contains 
elements of a more or less perfect dramatization of his mythology, I 
incline to the opinion that the ritual is the least variable and from it 
has grown the legend as we now know it. The question, Which came 
first, myth or ritual ? is outside the scope of this article. 

Any one who has studied the ceremonial system of the Tusayan 
Indians will have noticed the predominance of great ceremonials in 
winter. From harvest time to planting there is a succession of cele- 
brations of most complicated and varied nature, but from planting to 
harvesting all these rites are much curtailed. The simplest explana- 
tion of this condition Mould be, and probably is, necessity. There is 

'It would be interesting to know what relationship exists between abbreviated and elaborate 
Katcinas. Are the former, tor instance, remnants of more complicated presentations in which the 
secret elements have been dropped in the courso of time? Were they formerly more complicated, or 
are they in lower stages of evolution, gathering episodes which if left alone would finally make them 
more complex ? I incline to the belief that the abbreviated Katcinas are remnants, and their reduc- 
tion due to practical reasons. In a general way the word Katcina may be translated " soul "or "deified 
ancestor," and in this respect affords most valuable data to the upholders of the animistic theory. 
But there are other elements in Tusayan mythology which are not animistic. As Mogk has well 
shown in Teutonic mythology, nature elements and the great gods are original, so among the Hopi 
the nature elements are not identified with remote ancestors, nor is thereevidenee that their worship 
was derivative. As Saussaye remarks, "Animism is always and everywhere mixed up with religion; 
it is never and nowhere the whole of religion." 



fewkes] SEQUENCE OF CEREMONIALS. 2.V> 

not time euough to devote to great and elaborate ceremonials when the 
corn must be cared for. Time is then too precious, but when the corn 
is high and the crop is in sight, or during the long winter when the 
agriculturist is at home unemployed, then the superstitious mind has 
freedom to carry on elaborate rites and observances, and then naturally 
he takes part in the complex ceremonies. Hence the spring and early 
summer religious observances are abbreviated. Although the Pueblo 
farmer may thoroughly believe in his ceremonial system as efficacious, 
his human nature is too practical to consume the precious planting 
time with elaborate ceremonials. But when he sees that the crop is 
coming and harvest is at hand, then he begins the series of, to him, 
magnificent pageants which extend from the latter part of August until 
31 arch of the following year. 

It has been proven by repeated observations of the same ceremonials 
that there is great constancy in the way successive presentations of 
the ritual are carried out year after year. The inevitable modifications 
resulting from the death of old priests undoubtedly in course of time 
affect individual observances, but their ritual is never voluntarily 
changed. The ceremonials which I have here and elsewhere described 
were not invented by them to show to me, nor will any religious society 
of the Hopi at the present day get up a ceremony to please the white 
man. Each observance is traditional and prescribed for a certain time 
of the year. 

TABULAR VIEW OF THE SEQUENCE OF TUSAYAN CELEBRA- 
TIONS 1 

The following tabular view of the sequence of ceremonials may aid 
in the study of the Hopi calendar, and indicate the ceremonials pre- 
sented to us for classification : 



Katcina's return. 

Powauui. 

Paliilukonti. 



B 



The abbreviated Katcinas commonly come in the interval, and vary 
somewhat from year to year. 

'Niman (Katcina's departure). 

Snake or Flute (alternating). 

Lalakofiti. 

Mamzrauti. 

Wiiwiiteimti ' (sometimes Naacnaiya). 
^ Soya 1 una. 

1 l'\ tlregorian months, which of course the Hopi do not recognize by these names or limits. Their 
own "moons" have been given elsewhere. 

•The months to which the first division roughly corresponds are January to July. The second 
division includes, roughly speaking, August and December (inclusive). More accurately defined* 
the solar year is about equally divided into two parts bj the Niman, which is probably the exact 
dividing celebration of the ceremonial vmr 

'There is a slight r sound in the first two syllables of Wiiwiiteimti. 



256 



TUSAYAN KATCIXAS 



[El II. ANN. 15 



Masked or Katcina Ceremonials 



December 


Janu- 
ary 


February 


March 


April—June 


July 


Soy; ilana. 


Pa. 


Powamu. 


Paliiliikonti. 


Variable ab- 
breviated 
Katcinas. 


Niman. 



Unmasked or Nine Ihii/.s' Ceremonials 



August 


September 


October 


November 


Snake or Flute. 


Lalakoflti. 


Mamzrauti. 


Wiiw ii 1 1- 1 in t i o r 
Naacnaiya. 



The Katcina chief, Intiwa, erects his altar every year in the 
MoBkiva, but different kivas by rotation or otherwise celebrate the 
dance of the Niman by their appropriate presentation, thus: The men 
of the Wikwaliobikiva celebrated the dance in 1891; those of Nacab- 
kiva in 1892; those of the Alkiva in 1893, and probably in 1894 the 
men of the Tcivatokiva will personate the last Katcina of the sum- 
mer. It thus will appear that the special supernatural personage 
represented varies from year to year within certain limits, and the 
variations mean nothing more than that the members of the different 
kivas participate in rotation. 

NAMES OF MONTHS AND CORRESPONDING CEREMONIALS 

The Tusayau names of the months are as follows: 



Months 


Ceremonials 


1. Powamii'iyawu ' 

2. (j'ciimii'iyawfi 

3. Kwiyaomii'iyawu. 

4. Ilakitonmii'iyawu. 

5. Kelemii'iyawu. 


Powamu. 
Paliiliikonti. 



'The word niii'iy:i\vn means "moon," by which it would seem that our satellite determines the 
smaller divisions of l be year. 



FEWKEs] 



CEREMONIAL CALENDAR 



257 



Months 


Ceremonials 


G. Kyamii'iyawu 


Niman. 

(Snake, Flute.) 
Lalakonti. 

Mamzraiiti. 
Wiiwiitcimti. 
Soyalufia. 
Katcina's return. 


7. Painii'iyawu . 


8. Powa'mii'iyawu 

9. Iliiukmii'iyawu. 

10. U'ciiniii'iyawii 

1 1. Kelenm'iyawu 

12. Kyamii'iyawu 

13. Pamii'i yawn 





The second part of the October (tj'cti) is said to be called Tii'hoe. 
If this is recognized as a lunar period we would have 14 divisions to 
the ceremonial year. In the Pamii'iyawu, the Snake ceremony, and the 
Katcina's return, the same Niiitiwa (struggle of maids for bowls, etc) 
occurs. 

It will be noticed that the five summer moons have the same names 
as those of the winter; by that I do not mean to discard the divisions 
"named' 1 and "nameless," elsewhere used on good authority. The 
questions regarding the nomenclature of the different moons and their 
number are very perplexing and not yet satisfactorily answered. 

The determination of the number of moons recognized in the year 
or the interval between the successive reappearance of the sun in his 
house (Tawaki) at the summer solstitial rising is a most important 
question, for a satisfactory answer to which my researches thus far are 
insufficient. Several of the priests have told me that there were 13, 
as given above; but others say there are 12, and still others, It. The 
comparative ethnologist, familiar with Mexican calendars, would be 
glad to accept the report that there were 13, iu which case there would 
be introduced a remarkable harmony between peoples akin in many 
ways. Although, however, there is good evidence that 13 is recognized 
by some priests, the negative evidence must be mentioned, especially 
as it is derived from men whose knowledge of Hopi lore I have come 
to respect. I have, however, provisionally followed the opinion of 
those who hold that the Hopi recognize 13 ceremonial months in their 
calendar. 

If the second part of the tl'eii moon be called Tii'hoe, we would have 
14 moons, which would give between 2 Powa, or 2 Pa, Kele, Kya, 
and divide the ceremonial year into two parts of 7 moons each. The 
Katcina's return (I'kine), or the beginning of the Katcinas, then 
occurs in the Pa moon; they end in Kya at the Niman (last, farewell). 
The group of unmasked ceremonials (nine days) likewise begins at 
the Pa moon in the Snake or Flute, and ends at the winter, Kya, or 
Soyalufia. 

15 ETH 17 



258 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eth.ann.15 

In endeavoring to find some reason for the similarity of names in tlie 
two groups of months which compose the ceremonial year I have this 
interesting hint, dropped by one of the priests: "When we of the 
upper world," he said, "are celebrating the winter Pa moon the people 
of the under world are engaged in the observance of the Snake or 
Flute, and vice versa." The ceremonials in the two worlds are syn- 
chronous. "That is the reason," said my informant, "that we make 
the Snake or Flute pahos during the winter season, although the dance 
is not celebrated until the corresponding mouth of the following 
summer." 1 

MEANS OF DETERMINING THE TIME FOR CEREMONIALS 

Among the Hopi Indians there are priests (tawawympkiyas) skilled 
in the lore of the sun, who determine, by observations of the points on 
the horizon, where the sun rises or sets, the time of the year proper for 
religious ceremonials. Two of these points are called sun houses, one 
at tatyiika, 8 which is called the sun house (tawaki) par excellence, 
another at kwiniwi, which also is called tawaki, or sun house. 

The points on the horizon used in the determination of ceremonial 
events are as follows : 

1. Tawaki (kiitca, opening). The horizon point properly called 
savwuwee marks the cardinal point tatyuka or place of sunrise at the 
winter solstice. The winter ceremony Soyaluna is determined not by 
sunrise, but by sunset, although, as a general thing, the time of summer 
ceremonials is determined by observations of sunrise. 

2. Masuainiizru (masi, drab or gray; namiizrii, wooded ridge). Tins 
point is the ridge or crest of the mesa, east of Piip'ce. 

3. Paviih'tcomo (paviifi', young corn; tcomo, mound). A point on 
the old wagon trail to Fort Defiance, a little beyond the head of Keams 
canyon. 

4. Honwitcomo (derivation obscure; hoiiwi, erect). 

5. Niivaktcomo (niivak, snow; tcomo, mound). When the sun reaches 
here on its northern journey the Houani or Badger people plant corn ; 
the other Hopi people plant melons, squashes, and gourds. 

0. Pulhomotaka (piilii, round, hump; hoino, obscure; taka, man; 
possibly many hump back men). When the sun reaches here the Patki 

'From their many stories of the under world I am led to believe that the Hopi consider it a counter- 
part of the earth's surface, ami a region inhabited by sentient beings. In this under world the seasons 
alternate with those in the upper world, and when it is summer in the above it is winter in the world 
below, and vice versa. Moreover, ceremonies are said to he performed there as here, and frequeut 
references are made to their character. It is believed that these ceremonies somewhat resemble each 
other and are complemental. In their cultus of the dead the under world is also regarded as the abode 
of the "breath-body " of the deceased, who enter it through a sipapu, often spoken of as a lake. I 
have not detected that they differentiate this world into two regions, the abode of the blessed and that 
of the damned. 

"The Tawaki of tatyuka is the sun house. There is no sun house at hopoko nor at tevyuna. The 
names of the tour horizon cardinal points are, kwiniwi, northwest; tevyii'na, southwest; tatyuka, 
southeast, and hopokyiika (syncopated hupoko), northeast. 



fewkes] TIME OF CEREMONIALS 259 

or Water people plant corn. When the sun returns here the Snake- 
Antelope fraternities assemble for the Snake dance. 

7. Kwitcala. 1 When the sun rises at this point on his northward 
journey general planting begins, which continues until the summer 
solstice. When the sun returns to this point on his southerly journey 
the Nimankatcina is celebrated. 

8. Taiovi ( ?). 

*J. Owatcoki (owa, rock; tcoki, mound house). 

10. Wii'nacakabi (wii'na, pole; caka, ladder). 

11. Wakacva, cattle spring, 12 miles north of Keanis canyon. 

12. Pavaukyaki, swallow house. 
l'-i. Tiiyiika, summer solstice. 

We are justified in accepting the theory that sun and moon 2 worship 
is usual among primitive men. Whether that of the sun or of our sat- 
ellite was the earlier it is not in the province of this article to discuss, 
but it is doubtless true that sun worship is a very ancient cult among 
most primitive peoples. The Pueblos are not exceptions, and while we 
can not say that their adoration is limited to the sun, it forms an essen- 
tial element of their ritual, while their anhydrous environment has led 
them into a rain-cloud worship and other complexities. I think we can 
safely say, however, that the germ of their astronomy sprang from 
observations of the sun, and while yet in a most primitive condition they 
noticed the fact that this celestial body did not always rise or set at 
the same points on the horizon. The connection between these facts 
and the seasons of the year must have been noted early in their history, 
and have led to orientation, which plays such an important part in all 
their rituals. Thus the approach of the sun to a more vertical position 
in the sky in summer and its recession in winter led to the association 
of time when the earth yielded them their crops with its approach, 
and the time when the earth was barren with its recession. These 
epochs were noticed, however, not by the position of the sun at mid 
day, but at risings and settings, or the horizon points. The two 
great epochs, summer and winter, were, it is believed, connected with 

•Note the similarity in sound In tin 1 Nahuatl month, Quecbolli, in which the Atamalqualiztli was 
celebrated. St-*' "A Central American ceremony which suggests the Snake dance of the Tusayan 
villagers,' 1 American Anthropologist, Washington, vol. vi, No. 3. Quecholli, however, according to 
both Sahagun and Serna, was in November, The Snake dance at Walpi is thus celebrated about six 
months from Atamalqualiztli, or not far from the time when the people of the under world celebrate 
their Snake- Antelope solemnities. In this connection attention may be called to the fact that the 
Snake-Antelope priests in Walpi have a simple gatheringin the winter Pa moon (January), when 
their sacerdotal kindred of the under world are supposed by them to be performing their unabbre- 
viated snake rites. This is at most only about a month from the time Atamalqualiztli was celebrated . 
Teotlico, the Nahuatl return of the war god, occurred in November; Soyiiluha, the warriors' return, 
ml December. Then an- important coin para t ive data bearing on the likeness of Hopi and Nahuatl 
cere nies bidden in the resemblance between Kweteala and Quecholli (Kwetcoli). 

'-MhyiFiwiih, the goddess of germs, is preeminently the divinity of the under world, and has some 
remarkable similarities to the Nahuatl Mictlantecutli or his female companion Mietlancihuatl. The 
name is very similar to that for moon. This was the ruler of the world of shades visited by Tiyo. the 
snake hero. (See the legend of the Snake Youth iu Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, 
vol. IV, Boston, 1894.) 



260 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eth.ann.15 

solstitial amplitudes, and the equinoctial, horizontal points, uncon- 
nected with iurportant times to agriculturists, were not considered as 
of much worth. There is every evidence, however, that the time of 
day was early indicated by the altitude of the sun, although the con- 
nection of the altitude at midday with the time of year was subordi 
nated to observations on the horizon. 

CLASSIFICATION OF CEREMONIALS 

In attempting to make out the annual cycle of ceremonial observ- 
ances, as determined by observations made dining the last three years, 
I recognize two groups, the differences between which may be more or 
less arbitrary. These groups are called — 
I. The Katcinas. 
II. The Nine days' ceremonials. 
The former of these groups, which is the subject of this article, begins 
with the Katcinas' return, 1 and ends with their departure (Ximan). 
It is not my purpose here to do more than refer to the latter group, as 
a short reference to them may be of value for a proper understanding 
of the Katcinas. 

There are significant likenesses between different members of the 
series of nine days' ceremonials, and they may be grouped in several 
pairs, of which the following may be mentioned: 
I. Snake or Flute. 2 
II. Lalakofiti and Mamzrauti. 

III. Powamfl and Palulukonti. 

IV. Wiiwiitcimti and Naacnaiya. 

The likenesses are built on the similarity of the rites practiced in 
both members of each pair. The Hopi priests recognize another 
kinship which does not appear in the nature of the ceremonies as 
much as in the subordinate parts. Thus, Lalakofiti and Paliiliikonti, 
Wiiwiitcimti and Mamzrauti are brother and sister ceremonials, accord- 
ing to their conceptions. This kinship is said to account for certain 
events in the ceremonials, and friendly feeling manifested between 
certain societies, but much obscurity envelops this whole subject of 
relationships. 

The term " Nine days' ceremonies" refers to the active 11 ceremonial 
days, including those in which the chiefs perform the secret observance 
and the open dance of the last days. Strictly speaking, the ceremo- 
nial smoke to determine the time is a part of the observance, and from 

'The Soyalufia has been called the Kactina's pel urn, which Dame is not inaccurate. It is, strictly 
speaking, a warriors' celebration, ami marks tin- return of the leader of the Katcinas, as in Teotleco. 
The Katcinas appear in force in tin- 1'a celebration. 

-I have elsewhere pointed out the similarity between the dramatizations of the Snake- Antelope and 
the Flute societies, bur the members of the former scout the idea that they are related. Evidently 
the similarity in their ceremonials, which can not be denied, are not akin to tto- relationships u hich 
they recognize between brother and sister societies 

Strictly speaking, eight active, since the first day is not regarded as a ceremonial day. See Jour- 
nal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, vol t v, p. 13, 1894. 



FEWRJse] NINE DAYS' CEREMONIALS 261 

this date to tlie final public exhibition there are sixteen days, ;i multi- 
ple of the omnipresent number four. 

Some of the Katcinas have nine days of ceremonials, counting the 
assembly and the final purification. 

The inception of the ceremony is called tcotcofi yiifiya, smoking' 
assembly, in "which the chiefs (mon'mowitu) meet together in the even- 
ing at a prescribed house. The meeting places are as follows: 

Tcutciib (Snake- Antelope fraternity) Snake chief's mother's house. 

Mamzrau Salako's. 

Lalakon Kotcniimsi's. 

Soyaluna Vensi's. 

Wiiwiitcim Tciwiiqti's. 

Lenya (Flute) Talasvensi's. 

Niman Kwumaletci's. 

On the day following this smoke the speaker chief (tcaakmonwi) 
at early sunrise announces to the public that the ceremony is to begin, 
and to the six direction deities (nananivo mon'mowitu) that the priests 
are about to assemble, to pray for rain. Eight days after the announce- 
ment the chiefs gather in the kiva, and that day is called yiifiya, assem- 
blage, but is not counted in the sequence of ceremonial days. The first 
ceremonial day is Ciictala, after which follow the remaining days as 
already explained in my account of the Snake ceremonials. Counting 
the days from the commencement, the Snake, Flute, Niman, Lalakofiti, 
and Mamzrauti are always celebrated in extenso sixteen days, or nine 
days of active ceremonies, as shown in articles elsewhere. When 
Naacuaiya is not celebrated, Wiiwiitcimti, Powamu, Soyaluna, and 
Palulukonti are abbreviated to four days of active ceremonials. 

The following diagnosis may be made of these great nine days' cere- 
monials: Duration of the ceremony, nine consecutive days and nights; 
no masked dancers in secret or public exhibitions; no Katcinas; no 
Tcukuwympkiyas. 1 Altars and sand mosaics generally present. Indi- 
vidual ceremonials either annual or biennial, but in either case at 
approximately the same time of the year; sequence constant. Tipoui 5 
generally brought out in the public dance. Many pahos, :i ordinarily of 
different length (Snake, Flute, Lalakofiti, Mamzrauti), to deposit in 
shrines at varying distances from the town. Ceremonial racing, gen- 
erally in the morning of the eighth and ninth days. 

'Clowns, called likewise " mudheads" and "gluttons." 

The tiponi is supposed to be the mother or the palladium, the sacred badge of office of the society. 
It is one of the winii or sacred objects in the keeping of a chief, and is the iusignium of his official 
standing. The character of t h is object varies with different societies, and, in a simple form, is an ear 
of corn surrounded by sticks and bright colored feathers In mud by a buckskin string. For the con- 
tents of the more elaborate tonus see my description of the Liilakouti tiponi (called bundles of 
pahos). 

: I'ahos or prayer-sticks are prayer-hearers of different forms conceived to be male and female when 
double. Their common form is figured in my memoir on the Snake Ceremonials a( Walpi Jour. 
Am. Eth. and Arch., vol. IV, p. 27. Prescribed forms vary with different deities. 



262 



TUSAYAN KATCINAS 



[ETH. ANTi. 15 



The following are the important nine days' ceremonies: 

1. The Antelope-Snake celebration, alternating biennially with the 
Lelenti or Flute observance. 

2. The LalakoSti. This ceremony lasts nine days and as many 
nights, and is celebrated by women. The details of the celebration at 
Walpi in 1891, together with the altars, fetiches, and the like have 
already been published. 1 It has some likenesses with the Mam 
zrauti, which follows it in sequence. There are four priestesses, the 
chief of whom is Kotcuiiuisi. Three tiponis were laid on the altar in 




In;. 39 — Tablet of tin- ['aLihiUnniuna mask. 

Hie celebration of L891, although it is customary for each society to have 
hut one tiponi, which, with the other paraphernalia, is in the keeping of 
the chief priest. 

3. The Mamzrauti. This ceremonial has likewise been described. 2 
In some celebrations of this festival girls appear with tablets on their 
heads personifying maids called Palahikomanas. In 18!ll these per- 
sonages were represented by pictures ;i of the same on slabs carried in 
the hands of gills. In this way the variations of their celebrations in 
different years may be explained; sometimes women arc dressed to 
impersonate the Palahikomanas, at others only pictures of the same 
are carried. 



1 The American Anthropologist, Washington, April, 1892. 
■Hi id. .July, 1H9-.'. 

3 Erroneously identified as Calako in my description and plates of the presentation of the Mam 
zrauti in 1891. 



BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. 



FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT. PL CIV. 




DRAWN BY MARY M MITCHELL 



A. HOEN & CO., LlTH. 



fewkes] THE WUWUTClMTI CEREMONY 2<>3 

4. The Wiiwiitcimti. The Naacnaiya, of which tliis is an abbrevi- 
ated observance, lias been described. 1 One of the most prominent 
events is the ceremonial making of the new fire; and as this is in a 
measure distinctive of these two, it is proper to designate them the 
New Fire ceremonies. 

In essentials the Naaenaiya and the Wiiwiitcimti are the same, but 
the former appears to be of less constant appearance and more compli- 
cated. In it, as elsewhere described, the statuette of Talatumsi is 
brought into the pueblo, but in the abbreviated form offerings are 
made at her shrine down the trail. During the making of the new fire 
Anawita,- personifying Masauwuh, is hidden behind a blanket held by 
two assistants. 

The second group, called the Katcinas, which may be divided into 
two smaller divisions, known as the elaborate and the abbreviated, fills 
out the sequence of religious ceremonials between the Soyaluha and 
the Niuiankatcina. These celebrations are distinguished from those of 
the former group by the presence of masked personages to whom is 
given the name of Katcinas. By the use of these masks or helmets 
the participant is supposed to be transformed into the deity repre- 
sented, and women and children avoid looking at Katcinas when 
unmasked. The main symbolism of the deity is depicted on the helmet 
or head, and varies in different presentations, but the remaining para- 
phernalia is constant, whatever personage is represented. 3 

The mask (ku'Itii, head) is often addressed as ikwatci, " my friend or 
double." Prescriptively it must be put on and taken oft' with the left 
hand. 4 It is of helmet shape, fitting closely to the head and resting 
on the shoulders. These masks or helmets are repainted at each pre- 
sentation with the symbolism of the personage intended to be repre- 
sented. They are ordinarily made of leather, portions of boot legs or 
saddles, and in one or two instances I have found on their inside the 
embossed or incised markings characteristic of Spanish saddles. Old 
felt hats are sometimes used in the manufacture of the simpler masks 
and those of the mud-heads are of coarse cloth. Few of the helmets 
now used give evidence of very great antiquity, although some are 
made of the skin of the bison. One can seldom purchase these helmets, 
as their manufacture is difficult, and instead of being discarded after 
use in one ceremony they are repainted for other presentations. 



1 The four societies who celebrate the Wiiwiitcimti are the Aalwympkiya, Wiiwiitcimwympkiya, 
Tataiikyamu. ami Kwakwantu. 

1 Chief of the Kwakwantu, a powerful warrior society. Among various attributes Masauwuh is 
Hi.. Fire God. 

' III.- body, save for a kilt, is uncovered. This kilt is white or green in color, with embroidered 
rain cloud symbols. This is tied by a sash, with dependent fox-skin behind. Rattles made of a turtle 
Bbelland sheep or antelope hoofs are tied to one leg back of the knee, and moccasins are ordinarily worn. 
Sprnce twigs are inserted in the girdle, ami the Katcina carries a rattle in one hand. This rattle is 
a gourd Bhell u itii stones within and witli a short wooden handle. 

4 The left hand is always used to receive meal offerings and nakwakwocis, and is spoken of as 
kyakyauina. desirable. The right hand is called tiinucmahtu. food hand. 



214 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eth.ann.15 

There is a similar uniformity year by year in the time, of the celebra- 
tion of the extended or elaborate Katcinas called Niman, Powatnu, 
Paliililkonti, Soyalufia, and the Pa or Katcina's return. Their sequence 
is always the same, but in the abbreviated Katcinas or masked dances 
this uniformity is not adhered to. A certain number of these are cele- 
brated each spring and summer, but the particular abbreviated Katciua 1 
which is presented varies from year to year, and may or may not be 
reproduced. 

While Katcinas or masked dances do not generally occur during 
the, interval of the nine days' ceremonials (autumn and early winter), I 
have notes on one of these which indicate that they sometimes take 
place in this epoch. 

On September 20, 1S93, a Katcina called Aiiakatcina 2 was per- 
formed in Hano after the Niman had been celebrated in Walpi. 
Theoretically it would not be expected, as the farewell Katcina is 
universally said to be a celebration of the departure of these person- 
ages to their distant home, an event which does not occur at Hano. 
It would be strange if later observations should show that Katcinas 
are celebrated in other villages between the departure and return of 
these personages. 

DISCUSSION OF PREVIOUS DESCRIPTIONS OF KATCINAS 

Our exact knowledge of the character of the Hopi Katcinas dates 
back to Schoolcraft's valuable compilation. While the existence of 
these dances was known previously to that time, and several refer- 
ences to similar dances among the other Pueblos might be quoted from 
the writings of Spanish visitors, our information of the Katciua cele- 
brations in Tusayan previously to 1852 is so fragmentary that it is 
hardly of value in comparative studies. In the year named Dr P. S. G. 
Ten Broeck visited Tusayan and published a description of what was 
probably a Katcina dance at Sitcomovi. Although his account is so 
imperfect that we can not definitely say what Katcina was personated, 
his description was the first important contribution to our knowledge 
of the character of these dances among the Ilopi Indians. It will be 
noticed in a general way that the personation differed but slightly 
from those of the present day. Ten Broeck noted that the male 
dancers, Katcinas, wore on their heads "large pasteboard towers" 

'The word Katcina, as already stated, is applied to a ceremonial dance and to a personator in the 
same. The symbolism of each is best expressed by the carved wooden statuettes or dolls, tihus, 
many examples of which I have described in my article on " Dolls of the Tusayan Indians" in Inter- 
nationales Archiv fur Ethnographic, 1894. Profitable sources of information in regard to the sym- 
bolic characteristics of the Katcinas are ceramic objects, photographs, clay tiles, clay images, pictures 
on altars, etc. All pictorial or glyptic representations of the Baine Katcina are in the main identical, 
with slight variations in detail, due to technique. 

2 For a description of the Anakatcina see Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, vol. ll. 
No. 1. 



fewkes] PREVIOUS DESCRIPTIONS OF CEREMONIALS 265 

(naktci .' i, and "'visors' made of small willows, with the bark peeled off 
and dyed a deep brown." He recognized that the female dancers 
(Katcinamanas) were men dressed as women and that they wore yel- 
low "visors" and dressed their hair in whorls as at the present time. 
He described the musical ( ?) accompaniment of the dance with the 
scapula of an animal rubbed over a "ground piece of wood." He like- 
wise noticed the priests who sprinkled the dancers with sacred meal, 
and speaks of two small boys painted black with white rings who 
accompanied the dance. The latter may have been personifications of 
the Little Fire Gods. 

The Hopi clowns, Tcukuwympkiyas, were likewise seen by Ten 
Broeck, who described their comical actions. From his description of 
the byplay of their "assistants," I find very little change has taken 
place since his time. In the Katcina which he observed food was dis 
tributed during the dance, as I have elsewhere described is the case 
today. Although much might be added to Ten Broeck's description, 
his observations were the most important which had been made known 
up to his time, and continued for forty years the most valuable record 
of this group- of dances among the Tusayan Indians. 

CLASSIFICATION OF KATCINAS 

Before considering the various ceremonials in which the Katcinas 
appear, it may be well to say something of the nature of these super- 
natural beings which figure in them as made known by the testimony 
of some of the best-informed men of the tribe. The various legends 
which are told about them are numerous and can not be repeated here, 
but a few notions gathered from them may render it possible for the 
reader to better understand the character of the ceremonials in which 
they appear. 

These deities are generally regarded as animistic and subordinate to 
the greater gods. 1 They have been called intercessors between man 

1 J ha vi- also seen \ isors of this kinrl, and an old priest of my acquaintance on secular occaaiona 

hi times wore a huge eye shade or visor made of basketware. The helmet of the Humiskatcina 

hears a willow framework winch forms a kinil of visor, and if, as I suspect from the "large paste- 
board [skin over framework or wooden board] tower," it was a tablet or nakci, the personification 
mentioned bj Ten Broeck may have been a Humiskatcina. In May, 1891, I observed a Humia, but 
there isno reason from the theory of the time of abbreviated Katcinas to limit it to May. It might 
have been performed in April equally well. The Katcinamanas were not observed by me to wear 
such visors as Ten BroecK observed. 

2 During that line- our Knowledge of the Snake dance had been enlarged by Stephen. Bourke. and 
others. 

■The Katcinas BOmetimi a gpeltat aehinas, are believed to be the same as the ZuDi Kokos and pos- 
sibly the Nahual I teotls. The derivation is obscure ; poBsibly it is from katci, Bpread out, horizontal, 
the surface of the earth, naa, father, abbreviated na, surface of land, father. The Tusayan Indians 
say that their Katcinas are the same aa the Zuhi Koko, pronouncing the word as here spelled, t'u sh- 
in g insists, however, that the proper name of the organization is Ka'Ka. I find .Mrs Stevenson, in her 
valuable article on t he Religions Life of a Zufii Child, haa used the spelling Kok to, which introduces 
the o sound whit b the Tusayan people distinctly use in speaking of the Katcinas of their nearest 
Pueblo neighbors. This variation in spelling of one of the more common words by conscientious 



266 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [' hi. u*n IS 

and the highest supernatural beings. There are misty legends that 
] < » 1 1 <^- ago the Kateinas, like men, came from the under world and 
brought with them various charms or nahii with which the Hopi are 
familiar. By some it is said that a Bonani (Badger) chief came up 
from the Atkyaa, or under world, in the center of a square whose four 
sides were formed of lines of Kateinas, and that he'bore in his left 
hand a buzzard wing feather and a bundle of medicine hats on his back. 
The Kateinas recognized him as their chief, ami became Katcina 
Honani, Badger Kateinas. 

The legend inns that in ancient times I lahaiwiiqti ' emerged from 
the under world followed by four sons, who were Kateinas, each bear- 
ing in his arms a pet called paliiliikohuh, plumed serpent. Following 
these four came other Kateinas with pets (pokomatii), of whom the 
following are mentioned : 

One bearing pakwa, frog (water-eagle). 

One bearing patsro, water-bird. 

< hie bearing pawikya, duck. 

One bearing pavakiyuta, water on the hacks hearers, aquatic 
animals. 

One bearing yiin'ocona, turtle. 

One bearing zrana, bullfrog. 

One bearing pavatiya, young water bearer (tadpole). 

The others with kwahii (eagle), parrot, crow, cooper's hawk, swallow, 
and night hawk. 

The Sumaikoli pets for the six directions are: 

Sowhnwu, deer Kwimw i. 

PaB'wu, mountain sheep Tevyiifia. 

Tcti'bio, antelope Tatyuka. 

Tcaizrisa. elk H6poka. 

Sow i, hare Omyuka. 

Tabo, cottontail rabbit Atkyantuka. 

The first four Kateinas bear a startling yet foreign resemblance to 
the Navaho Etsuthcle. 2 The word pokomatii is difficult to translate, 
but ''pets" seems a good rendering. Its usage is similar to that of cer 
lain Navaho words. A Navaho woman speaks of a favorite child as 
eili"; a man calls his pet horse cili", and the shaman designates his 
fetich-emblem of a nature deity 1 > 1 1 i " ; a Hopi calls his dog poko. The 
pet of Tuflwup is depicted on the altar as elsewhere mentioned in my 
account of the reredos of the farewell Katcina at Walpi. 3 

observers sIiowb one of the difficulties which besets the path of those who attempt etymologic disseo- 
I i. <n til' Pueblo words. Many Ziini words in the mouths of the Bopi suffer strange modifications, *<> 
that 1 .iin mil greatly surprised t" find idiomatic differences between the Hopi dialect oftheEast 
mesa and thai of Oraibi. How much may result after years of separation no oue can tell, but Hie 
Linguist must i"' prepared to find these differences very considerable. 

i'1'liiM person is >*.i i.l to have been the mother of the Katoinas, She also was the mother of the 
monsters, the slaughter of whom by the cultus hero, Pu'ukofihoya, ami bis twin brother is a run 
stant theme in Tusayan folklore. 

■ Stevenson, Navaho Sand Paintings, in Eighth Annual Report "t tin' Bureau of Ethnology. 

'Journal oi American Ethnology and Archreolgy, vol. n, Is'o. 1. 



fewkes] COMPLETE AND ABBREVIATED KATCINAS 2(17 

In the Hopi conception of the All Katcina there seems to be an idea 
that they dwell in four terrestrial places or world-quarters. 1 This may 
be looked on as an application of a general idea of world-quarter 
deities so common among them. 

Northwest, kwiniwi Kicyuba. 

Southwest, tevyiifia Niivatikyaubi, San Francisco mountains. 

Southeast, tatyuka Wenima. 

Northeast, hopoko Niivatikyaubi, San Mateo mountains. 

If there is any one feature which distinguishes a Katcina it is the 
use. by some or all of the participants, of a mask or ceremonial helmet. 
The Katcinas are divided into two groups, the complete and the abbre- 
viated; the former is constant year by year, the latter varying. Altars 
are present in the complete, absent in abbreviated presentations. A 
cloud-charm altar or invocation to the six world-quarter deities is 
sometimes made. Public announcements are not prescribed. The 
Tcukiiwympkiya or clowns are generally present. Abbreviated Katci- 
nas consist mainly of public dances in which Katcinas, Katcinamanas, 
and clowns take part. The pahos or prayer offerings are few in num- 
ber. Ceremony ends with a feast; generally no altars. Tiponi 2 is not 
brought out in public. It is possible that the fox skin so universally 
worn by the animistic personifications called Katcinas hanging from 
the belt behind, is a survival comparable with the skin of the animal in 
which formerly, as in Nahuatl ceremonials, the whole body was clothed. 
In the case of Natacka, for instance, a skin is still worn over the 
shoulders. Conservatism in dress is tenaciously adhered to in religious 
paraphernalia among all peoples. 

Roughly speaking we may say that the Katcina celebrations are 
characterized by the presence of the Tcukuwympkiyas (Tatciikti, Tciic- 
kiitfi, Paikyamu or clowns), which do not appear in the unmasked or 
nine days' ceremonials. The epoch in which they remain among the 
Hopi is therefore approximately that from the winter to the summer 

'The Hopi report that the Zuiii believe that the dead are changed into Katcinas and go to a Sipapn, 
which they descend and tell the ''chiefs" to send the rain. The Hopi believe that the dead become 
divinized (Katcinas in a loose meaning) and intercede for rain. (See discussion of Mrs Stevenson's 
statement thatthedead send rain.) It seems to me that students of primitive myth and ritual have 
hardly begun to realize the important part which orientation plays in early religions. As research 
progresses it will he found to be of primary importance. The idea of world-quarter deities sprang 
from astronomical conceptions and was derived from a primitive sun worship in which tin? lesser 
tit i 1 ies naturally came to be associated with the four horizon points of solstitial sunrise and sunset. 

I have elsewhere pointed out that the tiponi is called the mother, and this usage seems to hold 
among the other Pueblos. As a badge of chieftaincy it is carried by the chiefs on certain occasions 
ol initiation and public exhibitions, as can be seen by consulting my memoir of the Snake Ceremo- 
nials atWalpi. Cimo, the old Flute chief (obit 1893), once made the following remark about Ins 
tiponi: "This is my mother; the outer wrapping is her garment; the string of shells is her neck- 
hue ; the feathers typify the birds, and within it are all the desirable seeds. When I go to sleep she 
watches over me, ami when 1 die one of the feathers will be placed upon my heart, anil I hope the 

tiponi will take care of ." From these words we learn how much the tiponi is venerated, anditis 

not remarkable, considering the benefits which are thought to come from it, that it is designated "the 
mother." 



268 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [bth. ann.15 

solstices; that in which they are absent, fr the summer to the winter 

solstices. 1 

I classifythe Katcina celebrations into two large groups, which may 
be called the elaborate and the abbreviated, and have considered them 
in the following pages. 

ELABORATE KATCINAS 

Under the head of elaborate Katcinas- may lie included: 
Soyaluha. 
Katcina's return. 3 

I'owamii. 
l'aliiliikonl i. 
Nimankacina. 

Si ■ -i vi uS a 

The celebration in t ho December moon has not as yet been described, 4 
but a large body of material relating thereto is in my hands. In order 
to give a generalidea of its character a brief outline of a characteristic 
portion of it is inserted in this place. Soyaluua is distinctly a warriors' 
observance, and has been called the Return Katcina. In one sense il 
may lie so designated, but more strictly it is the return of the War god, 
regarded as a leader of the gods, and in that recalls the Nahuatl 
Teotleco, as elsewhere pointed out. The singing of the night songs <>l' 
the warriors is one of the most effective archaic episodes of the ceremo 
nial of the winter solstice. 

In the following account a description of a few events in the celebra- 
tion of ism is introduced : 

On the 22d of December of that year most of the men of the villages 
prepared cotton strings, to the eud of which they tied feathers and 
pifion needles. These were given away during the day to different 
persons, some receiving from one to I wo dozen, which they tied in their 
hair. When a maker of these feathered strings presented one to a 
friend, he said, as translated. "Tomorrow all the Katcinas to yon grant 
your wishes," holding his bundle vertically and moving it with a hori 



1 1 mention this fact since, following Bandolier's studios among the Rio Grande Pueblos, we have 
something different. The Koshare, which appear to correspond with a group of the Tcukiiwympkiya, 
the Paiakyamu, are regarded by him as the summer and autumn men, while the Cuirana arc the 

Bpringmen. During the late summer ami autumn the Tonkiiwympkiya take no part inthecere 

nials at tin- East mesa of Tusayan. No Tcukuwympkiyaa appearin tin- Snake, Flute, LalakoQti, 
M.HM. t :iui i, Wuwiitcimti, or in certain minor festivals. They appear to be almost universal accom- 
paniments of the katcina observances. 

•The elaboration is of course along different lines of growth, ami its oharacterist ics are treated in 
tin- several already published articles devoted to these subjects. In none of the abbreviated Kate mas 
desoribed was there an altar or complicated kiva performance, hot on i he other hand, in the elaborate- 
Katcinas such secret observances always existed. Siocalako, described in this article, affords an 
interesting abbreviated ceremonial with kiva rites. 

-'l'h is might bi tier hi- called a composite, abbreviated Kate ina. 

'The late Mr Stephen made extended studies of this presentation in 18H2, hut his fatal illness pre 
vented his being m the kiva the following winter. It is necessary that a continued study of this 
dramatization he made before a complete account of the oeremonial calendar can la- attempted. 

The followingmen are distinctly called chiefs: Mofi'mowitfi of Soyalufia, Kwatcakwa, Sakwistiwa 
Anawita, Nasimoki, K».ia, Sikyaustiwa, andSupela. 



fbwkes] THE SOYALUNA CEREMONY 269 

zontal motion. At nightfall each man procured a willow wand from ,'i 
to 4 feet long and looped upon it all the strings which he had received. 
Hi- then carried his stick to the Monkiva and placed it in the rafters, 
thus imparting to the ceiling the appearance of abower of feathers and 
pifion needles. 

All the kivas were meeting places of the participants, but the 
Tataukyamu met at the Monkiva, where the principal festivities took 
place. Their chief wore a head-dress decorated with symbols of rain- 
clouds (plate CVIIl), and (-allied a shield upon which was depicted the 
sun (plate ciV). 'flu- chief of a second society carried a shield upon 
which was drawn a star (plate CIV), and a third chief bore a shield 
with an antelope drawn upon it. The head-dress of the chief of the 
Aawympkiva was adorned with glistening triplex horns, and on his 
shield was represented an unknown Katciua (plate civ). The fifth 
society was Kwakwantii, or warrior, whose chief carried in his hand 
an effigy of the great snake (Paliilukouuh) which was carved from 

tin- w ly stalk of the agave (kwan), from which the society was 

named, lie came from the Tcivato kiva and on his shield was depicted 
a Kwakwantii in lull costume. The sixth society was the Tatciik'ti or 
"knobbed heads;'' their shield-hearer wore a headdress like a coro- 
net, while on his shield was drawn a black iigure with lozenge-shape 
eyes. The shield of the chief of the seventh society was adorned with 
a picture of the Tawamofiwi or sun chief. 

Alter the societies had entered the kiva an invocation to the car- 
dinal points was chanted, and the shield-bearers, in turn, standing 
over the sipapu, stamped on it. At a signal the society arranged 
itself into two irregular groups, one on the north, the other on the 
south side of the main floor. All then vehemently burst forth into a 
song, the shield bearer making eccentric (lashes among his associates, 
lirst to one side and then to the other. 

While the song lasted the shield-bearer continued these short, swift 
rushes, and the assembled groups crouched down and met his dashes 
by rising and driving him back to the sipapu. Be madly oscillated 
from right to left, that is, from the north to the south side of the room, 
and swung his shield in rhythm, while those near him beat their feet 
in time. The shield was dashed from face to face, and the groups 
made many motions as if to seize it, but no one did more than to touch 
it with outstretched hands. The movements on both sides were highly 
suggestive of attack and defense. 

At 8 p. m. about one dozen men were collected in the .Monkiva, 
among whom was Lesma playing a flageolet. The hatchway was 
guarded by a tyler, and for a natci there was placed there a wicker 
Skullcap ornamented with a pair of imitation mountain sheep horns 
(plate CX). Two hours later the room was densely packed with naked 
men, their bodies undecorated, wearing small eagle plumes attached 
to the crown of the head. Two women were present. Anawita, chief 



_'(() TUSAYAN KATCINAS [f.th.ann.15 

of the Kwakwantu, sat alone on the southern side of the main floor 
which was clear in the middle, and twelve chiefs, among them Cimo, 
Supela, and Teulxina. sat opposite him. 

Ten novices from the other kivas entered gorgeously arrayed in 
white kilts, brilliant crowns of feathers, white body decorations, bear- 
ing an imitation squash blossom, with spruce sprigs in their left hands 
and corn in their right hands. As the chiefs took their places Lesma 
sprinkled the floor of the room near the ladder with moist valley sand, 
about an inch deep. The novices stepped from the ladder upon this 
sand and passed up in front of the chiefs, then squatted before them 
facing the south, their kilts having been lifted so that they sat mi the 
cold floor. 

Anawita then crossed over to the south side of the room and seated 
himself at the east end of the line of chiefs. 

At the west wall of the kiva a strange altar had been erected. 
Lesma had piled against the ledge of this part of the kiva a stack of 
corn, two or more ears of which had been contributed by the maternal 
head of each family in the pueblo. At either side and in front of the 
stack of corn shrubbery had been placed. In the space between the 
top of the corn pile and the roof wands were placed, and to these wands 
had been fastened many artificial flowers, i or 5 inches in diameter, set 
close together but in no regular lines. There were over 200 of these 
flowers of different colors, dark-red and white predominating. Nearly 
in the center of this artilicial shrubbery there was a large gourd shell 
with the convex side turned toward the audience and having an aper- 
ture about 8 inches in diameter in its center. Through this opening 
had been thrust the head of an effigy 1 of Paluliikonuh, the pluined- 
head snake, painted black, with a tongue-like appendage protruding 
from the mouth. "When all the assembled priests were seated a moment 
of solemn stillness ensued, after which Supela arose, cast a handful of 
meal toward the effigy of the snake, and said a short prayer in a rever- 
ent tone. 2 Then the head of the snake, which was manipulated by an 
uuseen person behind the altar, was observed to rise slowly to the cen- 
ter of the aperture, and a mellow sounding roar like a blast through a 
conch appeared to come from the mouth, while the whole head was 
made to quiver and wave. The sound was of short duration, repeated 
four times, and then the head reposed again on the lower rim of the 
ground shell. Presently was heard a sound as of a scapula drawn 
across a notched stick six times. All the old chiefs in succession cast 
meal to the effigy and prayed, and in response to each the great snake 
emitted sounds identical with those mentioned above. The spectators 
then left the kiva, and a frenzied dance of strange character occurred. 
The societies from other kivas came in, and the chief of each declaimed 
in a half-chanting voice which rose to a shriek at the close of a stanza. 

'See figures of this effigy in my account of the Paliiliikofiti, Journal of American Folk-lore, Oct.- 
Dec, 1893. 

2 Here evidently we have a prayer to the ik-ity symbolized by the etli^v and not an invocation to the 
effigy itself. 



fewkes] THE SOYALUNA CEREMONY 271 

i 

First, he drew back to the fireplace, and then with a shuffling gait 
approached the symbolic opening in the floor called the sipapu. 

Anawita then shouted at the top of his voice, and the shuffler sprang 
in the air and vaulted over the sipapu. Then everybody in the room 
shouted loudly and a song in conceit followed. A moment later the 
visiting societies dashed down the ladder, each bearing a splendid 
shield ornamented witli the figure of the sun and a rim of radiating 
eagle feathers. Each society had its distinctive sun shield, which on 
entering was handed to the chief. As he received it he stamped on 
the sipapu and a tierce song was sung. Meanwhile two members of 
the society stood apart from their fellows against the southern wall 
facing each other, each holding a squash flower emblem in a bouquet 
of spruce twigs and an ear of corn in his left hand. 

Suddenly the fifteen or twenty members of the society drew back 
from their chief, who then sprang upon the sipapu plank, and quickly 
turning faced them as all burst forth in au ecstatic shouting, with wild 
flinging of their arms as they approached the shield-bearers. They 
naturally formed two clusters, and as the shield-bearer dashed his 
shield in their faces they surged back, to leap again toward him. 
This seeming assault, wild though it appeared, was maintained in time 
with the song. The two chieftains joined their men, all in ecstatic 
frenzy, and one of them, shaking his shield, sprang from right to left, 
drawing back his assistants in rhythm with the beating of the feet of 
all on the floor. After a few moments of most exhaustive movements 
some of the weaker staggered up the ladder, and shortly after one of 
the chiefs fell fainting to the floor, overcome by exhaustion and the 
intense heat of the room. One splendid athlete danced with vigor tor 
fully five minutes, and then swept toward the ladder where the assist 
ant was standing in readiness to receive his shield. Another stride 
and he reached the foot of the ladder and suddenly became as rigid as 
a corpse. The men who belonged to the Monkiva took no part in this 
exhaustive dance but stood in readiness to carry those who fainted up 
the ladder to the cool air outside. 

It has been suggested that this assault of the men on the bearer of 
the sun-shield dramatizes the attack of hostile powers on the sun, and 
that the object is to offset malign influences or to draw back the sun 
from a disappearance suggested by its southern declination. 1 In this 
possible interpretation it is well to consider that immediately preced- 
ing it the archaic offerings and prayers to the great snake were made, 
as described, in the presence of spectators. The idea of hostility of 
the great snake to the sun is an aboriginal American conception. In 
the Maya Codex Cortesianus (33l>) the plumed snake is represented 2 

•The dance with the Ban-shield remotely resembles certain so-called "sun dances,'' which have 
been described among the nomads, in which physical exhaustion and suffering are common features. 
Tins (lame, ]t must be boruo in mind, took place when the sun was at the winter smstirt*. and the 
dramatization of attack ami defuse may have some meaning in connection with this fact. 

2 On the authority of Cyrus Thomas. "Are the Maya hieroglyphs phonetic V American Anthropolo- 
gist. Washington, July, 1893, p 26G. His reasoning that the scribe of the codes intended to repre- 
sent this astrouomical event is plausible but not conclusive. 



272 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [kih.ann.15 

as swallowing the sun as in an eclipse. II Soyaluna is a propitiatory 
ceremony to prevent the destruction or disappearance of the sun in 
winter in in offset the attacks of hostile malevolent deities upon him, 
we can see a possible explanation of the attacks and defenses of the 
sun as here dramatized. 1 The evil influences -of the great snake are 
met bj tin' prayers to Ids effigy; the attacks of other less powerful 
deities are dramatized in the manner indicated. 

The following contains a few suggestions in regard to the charac- 
ter of the dramatization in the December celebration. In the prayers 

to the 1'lu 1 Snake his hostility was quieted, and the chiefs did what 

they could to propitiate that powerful deity, who was the great cause 
of their apprehension that the beneficent sun (T&wa) would be over- 
come. Then followed the dramatization of the conflict of opposing 
powers, possibly representing other deities hostile to our beneficent 
father, the sun. Although the struggle involved, so far as the partici- 
pants were concerned, their highest powers of endurance and bodily 
suffering, the sun shield or symbol of Tawa had the good fortune to 
resist the many assaults made upon it. 

The introduction of dramatization as an explanation of the warrior 
celebration is theoretic, therefore not insisted upon, and is at least 
plausible until a better interpretation is suggested. It has in its sup- 
port the evidence drawn from a. comparative study of ceremonials. In 
the light of this theory the return and departure of the Katcina bos a 
new significance, and may be regarded as a modified sun myth. At the 
winter solst ice the sun and his attendant deities have reached their most 
distant point, and turned to come back to the pueblos. In the mid- 
summer the solar deity approached them; he was near them, and in 
appreciation of this fact, which means blessings, the poor Hopima.de 
his offering;' danced the Snake dance, asking the snake to bring the 
rain, believing he was no longer hostile or at enmity with the sun. 
But the withdrawal of the gods (Farewell Katcinas) could not be 
delayed by these rites, and the sun each day drew farther from them. 
The Katcinas (gods) departed; the bright, beneficent summer gave 
place to cold, dreary winter; life was replaced by death. In this most 
critical epoch the warriors, the most potent human powers of the 
pueblo, performed their ceremony to bring back the beneficent god 
and his train. TheNahuatl priest called a similar ceremony " Teotleco," 
the god comes — '-The dead god is reborn," says Duran. The gods 
(Katcinas) come, say the Hopi (Soyaluna, all assemblage; derived 
from co, all; yufiya, assemblage). The Nahuatl priest sprinkled meal 
on the floor of the teocalli, and when he saw in the meal the footprint 



■There are members of the American race living where the sun diaappearsat the winter solstice or 
Bueonmhs f>. evil powers. Save the Puehlos inherited this rite from people who once lived farto 
the north ? 

-Tlir fact tliui tin' Snake danoe follows the tflman may !"• explained as follows: Tin- sun begins 
to be affected by the Plumed Snake at the Farewell dance, and the growing Influence of this divinity is 
recognized, hence ins children (reptiles) are gathered from the fields and intrusted with tin- prayers 
of in. ii to eras.- liis malign influence. 




HAHAlWUQTI, NATACKA. AND SOYOKMANA 



FEWKES] 



THE RETURN KATCINA CEREMONY 



273 



of tbe War god, the leader of the divinities, he announced the fact. 
The Hopi priest still continues to sprinkle sand on the kiva floor 
during the ceremony. 



KATCINA S RETURN 



The first celebration of the Katcinas in the spring, several months 
after their departure, 1 took place in that division of the year called the 
Parniiyawu,and is known as Mohti Katcinumyiinya, or "First Katcina 
assembly." I have called it the Return Katcma. It follows directly 
after the winter paho making of the Snake-Antelope or Flute societies, 
which varies in character according to whether the Snake or the Flute 
society gives the presentation that year. In 1803 it followed the Snake 
paho making, and in 1894 that of the Flute. It may be called a com- 
posite, abbreviated assembly of Katcinas. 

During the day Katcina masks were renovated in the kivas of the 
mesa, and there were visitations at all the kivas by the personators in 
the coming celebration. Women and children crowded the spectators' 
quarters of these rooms, and the performances lasted from 10 oclock in 
the evening until 2 oclock of the following morning. Previously to 
the exhibition in the kivas, men personating different Katcinas visited 
the following points to make homoya or meal offerings and to say 
appropriate prayers: 



Kiva 



Moii 

Wikwaliobi. 

Nacab 

Al 

Tcivato 

Puvuiitcomo . . 

Kwinyaptcomo. 

Mi'niete 

Pendite 



Kateina 



Kiitca anak 2 

Coyohhn momoyaniu, 

Tcatca kwaina 

Popkotu 

Miicaizru 

Hiiiki. 

Hehi a. 

Avatchoya mana . . . 

Tacab 

Huniis. 



Points from which 
prayers are made 



S. W. Walpi. 

...do 

...do 

N". E. Walpi . . 
...do 



N.E.Sitcomovi. 
N. E. Hano.... 



Prayers directed, 

or meal thrown 

tmeard — 



Mivatikyaubi. 

do. * 

do. 
Kicyuba. 



do. 
do. 



On the 24th of this month (Pa), as after the Snake ceremonials, 3 
the Niiitiwa, or struggles of the maids with the men for bowls, etc, 
took place, except that in this instance it was a struggle with a Katcina 
and not, as in the Snake observance, between girls and young men. 

1 At the Niman in the preceding July. 

'With TatcB kii (Mud-heads). 

3 Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, vol. iv. 

15 ETII IS 



274 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [kth. ann. ir> 

From the foregoing table we learn that in the Return Katcina for 
lsiil the following 1 were personified: 

1. Kutca (white) ana. <>. Eii'iki. 

2. Coyohini. 7. Ilehea. 

.'{. Tcakwaina. 8. A.vatchoya. 

I. Pdpkotu. it. Tacab. 

5. Mucaizru. 10. Ilumis. 

The accompanying clowns were the Tatcii'kti or knob-head priests. 
11, is an interest in ^ tact that in the celebration of the departure of the 
Kalciuus the clowns took no part, but these priests were important 
additions to the Siocalako. 

The celebration of the Return Katcina, which occurs in the winter 
Pa moon, is accompanied by elaborate rites performed by either the 
Snake- Antelope or the Flute fraternity, the society observing it being 

that which will give its celebration in the slimmer Pa moon of the 
same year. A description of these rites naturally falls in an account 
of the group of unmasked dances. They extend over several days 
and appear to be wholly distinct from the celebration of the Return 
katciiia. While these are being performed in the ''upper world," 
the complemental flute or Snake observances arc supposed to be 
taking place in the "under world," where the summer I'a moon then 
reigns. Precisely the same relationship is thought to exist between 
the two as that between the seasons of the north and south temperate 
zones. 

row vmi 

This ceremony is one of the most elaborate in which the Katemas 
appear, and for want of a better name may lie designated a renovation 9 
or purification observance. In the year 1893 it took place near the 
close of January and continued for nine days, and in a previous 3 arti- 
cle I have mentioned and figured the most striking personages, the 
monsters or Natackas, who appear in its presentation (plates <v, CVI, 
CXI). There are. however, certain other personages new to students 
of Tusayan ceremonials who are introduced, and I have therefore 
thought it well to describe the presentation in extenso. 
The details of this ceremony in 1 S!»;> were as follows:' 
January 20 — Early this morning llohyi went to all the kivas and 
formally announced that the ceremony was soon to begin. There was 
no public announcement, as no Katciiia celebration is made known in 



i Numbers 1, 2, 7, 9 and 10 of this list have been described as abbreviated Katoinas. The sym 
holism of :t ami s i* bIiowij in my figures of dolls; of the remainder my information is as yet very 
limited. 

'Comparable with the Bfahuatl Oohpanitzli. The points of similarity between the two are the 
prod ma nro of the Earth goddess ami i ho oeremonia] renovation of tin' saored gathering places. 

'American Anthropologist, Washington, January, 1694 

•The aooompanying observations on the Powi i were mail.' by the late A M Stephen in hia 

wnik For the Eemenwas Expedition. 



fewkes] THE POWAMU CEREMONY 275 

this way, and the Ivatcinas must not be spoken of in public, tntiwa 
and Pauwatiwa began making pahos in the Mofikiva without prelimi 
nary ceremony at about 9 a. in., and fifteen other priests removed 
the masks and redecorated them, after having scraped off the old paint 
remaining from other ceremonials. 

All the masks were finished about 7 p. in., after which Suhoitiwa 
and the other elders brought fox-skins and other paraphernalia into 
the kiva, where Kwatcakwa, Kdpeli, Tcabi, Kakapti, and four or 
five other men began to decorate their bodies with pigment, using a 
pale-red iron oxide (eiita) on their legs, knees, and waists. They 
daubed the whole upper leg above the knee with a white pigment, and 
drew- two lines across the shins, the fore and upper arms, and on each 
side of the chest and abdomen. The entrance into the katcinaki, or 
paraphernalia closet, was open while this took place. 

The masks were all ornamented with large clusters of feathers. 
They were tied to the head with a loose loop across the top which 
slipped over the crown where the plumage rested, and there were 
strings at the sides of the mask by which they were attached. The 
body was ornamented with ribbons, red flannel, and other articles of 
white man's make, which are innovations. 

Kwatcakwa, who later personated a Tcukuwympkiya, drew a broad 
band of white clay across his shins, thighs, arms, and body. A great 
wisp of cornhusks was tied in his hair, which was all brought forward 
and coiled over the forehead. The others donned their kilts, necklaces, 
turquoise eardrops, and moccasins. Each one wore a fox-skin hanging 
tail downward at the loins, and on the left leg below the knee a string 
of bells, while the majority had garters of blue yarn. Their hair, which 
was first bound in long cues, wrapped high with strings, was later 
loosened, hanging in a tine fluffy mass. 

Sakwistiwa, who was the puciiciitoi or drummer, wore pantaloons 
held up by a belt of silver disks, and a grotesque mask. All left the 
kiva immediately after their disguises were completed and assembled in 
the Mofikiva court. 

Tntiwa hurriedly but thoroughly swept the floor of the chamber, 
during which time a number of women and children came down the 
ladder, filling the spectators' part of the room. The assembled group 
of Katcinas prayed and then went out, but about fifteen minutes later 
returned to the kiva entrance and shook their rattles at the hatchway. 
" Yunya ai," ''come, assemble," said the old men, and the women invited 
them to come down, which they did. Kwatcakwa, who personated the 
Niivnkkatcina, entered, followed by ten others. They assembled in a 
semicircle, each with a Tattle in the right hand and a spruce bough in 
the left, tntiwa sprinkled with meal all who came, after which they 
performed a dance, in which, however, their leader did not join. 

Before they finished a band of ten men. disguised as Paiutes, carrying 
bows and arrows, rabbits, and small game which they wished to trade, 



276 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eth. amk.15 

came to the hatchway. They had ;i drummer with ;i Paiute drum, made 
of a bundle of skins wrapped in an oblong package, on which he beat 
with a stick held in both hands. The persons performed a dance, which 
they accompanied with a song. They likewise talked, cracked jokes, 
and presented the rabbits to the assembled women. 

After them there came others from the Nacabkiva, each with a crook 
in the left hand and a rattle in theright. These wore grotesque masks, 
one representing an old woman with a long crooked staff in her hand. 
Their bodies were whitened and they wore saddle-mat kilts around their 
loins and tortoise rattles on the right leg. They sang a very spirited 
song, shaking their rattles as they advanced. These were six in num- 
ber and were called the I'owaniukatcinas. Directly after them there 
came a, band of Tatcii'kti, who sang and danced on the roof of the 
kiva. The old men within repeatedly invited them to enter the room, 
and a dialogue of some length ensued Their leader carried a large 
basket tray in which were four cones made of wood and each mud-head 
had in his hand a wooden rod and an eagle leather. The leader placed 
the cones in the middle of the floor in a pile, one above the other, near 
the fireplace. The others danced around the pile, roaring a song with 
much dramatic action, and heaped up ears of corn in the tray. 

They then brought a young married woman from those assembled to 
the middle of the floor, where she knelt and tried without success to 
lift the cones as high as the stall' which the leader held beside them. 
Four or live other women tried in turn, and all failed. The mud- 
heads then divided the cones into two piles and one of the women 
lifted them the required height. All the Tatcii'kti 1 then fell down on 
the floor and kicked their heels in the air, while certain of them stood 
on their heads for a minute or two. The woman who was successful iu 
lifting the cones received the contents of the tray. The Tatciik'ti then 
left the room and the Katcinas returned and unmasked, indicating 
that this part of the ceremony was over. 

January 21 — During last night there were ceremonials which were 
not seen in the Monkiva, in which it was said the Ahii'lkatcina made 
parallel marks in meal on the four sides of t he kiva and upon the ceiling 
and floor as in the Mamzrauti and other ceremonials. A basin with 
sprouting beans, which had been planted at the full of the Pamiiiya 
or Pa moon (January 2) and which were about a foot high, was brought 
from one of I he houses opposite the Teivatokiva. The beans, which 
were growing in a. basin, were plucked from the sand, tied into a sepa- 
rate bundle, and given to Ahii'lkatcina. A large squirrel-skin was tilled 
with meal and given to him, and he was handed also a wooden staff (rndn- 
kohu). The large discoidal mask characteristic of this personage had 
a pouch like attachment of buckskin which was pulled over the head, 

'Those ni.ii were from the Alkiva. They wore the knob-bead helmets and their bodies were 
staini <1 red. Each carried a rattle in the right and an eagle leather in the left hand, and had a poucb 
of skin or other material slim;; over the right shoulder. This hold corn, beans, and other seeds, which 
tin _\ gave t" the unnirii and elders. 



rawKESl THE POWAMU CEREMONY 277 

upon which was a large cluster of feathers. A white kilt was worn as 
u cape ami the skin of a gray fox hung from the girdle at hi.s loins,. 

At daylight Ahu'lktacina and fntiwa returned, passing the gap 
(Wala) and halting at the pah6ki (shrine 1 ) to deposit certain nakwa- 
kwocis and palios. Just as the sun rose the two visited a kiva in 
llano. Stooping down in trout of it, Ahii'l drew a vertical mark with 
meal on the inside of the front of the hatchway, on the side of the 
entrance opposite the ladder, lie turned to the sun and made six 
silent inclinations, after which, standing erect, he bent his head hack 
ward and began a low rumbling growl, and as he bent his head for- 
ward, raised his voice to a higb falsetto. The sound he emitted was 
one long expiration, and continued as long as he had breath. This act 
he repeated four times and, turning toward the hatchway, made four 
silent inclinations, emitting the same four characteristic expiratory 
calls. The first two of these calls began with a low growl, the other 
two were in the same high falsetto from beginning to end. 

The kiva chief and two or three other principal members, each car- 
rying a handful of meal, then advanced, bearing short nakwakwoci 
hotoinni, which they placed in his left hand while they muttered low, 
reverent prayers. They received in return a few steins of the corn 
and bean plants which Ahii'l carried. 

Ahii'l and fntiwa next proceeded to the house of Tetapobi, 2 who is 
the only representative of the Hear clan in llano. Here at the. right- 
hand side of the door Ahii'l pressed his hand full of meal against the 
wall at about the height of his chest and moved his hand upward/' 
He then, as at the kiva, turned around and faced the sun, holding his 
staff vertically at arm's length with one end on the ground, and made 
six silent inclinations and four calls. Turning then to the doorway he 
made tour inclinations and four calls. He then went to the house of 
Nampiyo's mother, where the same ceremony was performed, and so on 
to the houses of each man or woman of the pueblo who owns a tiponi 
or other principal wind (fetich i. 

lie repeated the same ceremony in houses in Sitcomovi and in YValpi, 
where fntiwa left him. Ahii'l entered this pueblo by the north street 
and passed through the passageway to the Mdnkiva. He proceeded to 
the houses of Kwumawumsi, Nasyunwewe, Samiwiki, and to all the. 
kivas and the houses of all the leading chiefs. 

After visiting all tin; kivas and appropriate houses mentioned above, 
Ahii'l went to Kowawainovi (the ledge under Talatryuku) and depos- 

1 With the coiled stone, which resembles thecast of some largo fossil shell. I venture to suggest 
thai tin- reason we find pel rified wood in some shrines can be explained in tin- foil owing manner In 
times long past trees were believed by the Hopi to have souIb and these breath bodies were powerful 
agents in obtaining blessings or answering prayers. The fossilized logs new pat iu shrines date hark 
tothi timesof which I speak, consequently th<\ ate efficacious in the prayers of the present people. 
'fins i, but the expression <il' an animistic belief in the souls of trees. 

''She has th.- Bear tiponi and other fetiches. 

'II.' nam. given for this marking by Ahit I is 6mownh mofiwitflpeadta. It is an appeal to all the 
gods of the six regions to bless tins.; kivas anil nooses. 



278 Tl'SWAN KATCINAS [inn. vnn ir. 

ited in the pahdki all the oiferings thai he had received, after which he 
returned t<> the Mdnkiva, divested himself of his ceremonial disguises, 
and went home. 

At - p. in. the Niiv&k (snow • Katcinas came from the N"acabki, led 
bj Soy6ko. They were nine in number and were accompanied by a 
drummer. All wore brighl plumage on their heads and their masks were 
painted greeu and white, l>m thai of the drummer was pink. They 
were adorned with many necklaces, and wore white kilts and gray fox- 
skins. Yellow stripes were painted on the shoulders, the forearm, 
on each breasl and the abdomen, and the bodies of all were stained red. 

After singing and dancing for about live minutes, nine clowns (Ta- 
tcii'kti) came from the Alkiva and danced madly around the court, at 
tirst independently, luit anally keeping step with the Katcinas. They 
joined in line one behind the other, each grasping the uplifted leg of the 
man in front of him, and then tumbled pell-mell over one another, 
shouting and laughing as they did so.' 

At 2.20 a personification of Tcavaiyo, arrayed in a conical black mask 
with globular eyes and great teeth, entered the kiva. He carried a bow 
and armus in his left hand and a saw in his right. His forearms and 
legs were painted black with white spots. This monster dispersed the 
clowns, during which many Zufii words were uttered. 

At 2.50 the Katcinas again returned and repeated their former dance 
in the same way as described. The antics of theTatcii kti continued, 
and the Katcinas appeared again at 4.20 p. m. ; then later at 5, when 
they all departed, not to return. When tin' Kateinas retired to Wik- 
yatiwa's house at 1 oclock the clowns went down into the Alkiva and 
returned in their characteristic procession, the drummer in front, the 
other eight in two lines of four persons. Each carried on his back a 
large bundle composed o\' a tine blanket, cotton cloth, yarn, and all 
kinds of textile articles of value. One also had the four cones which 
they had used the uight before and a traj of shelled com of all colors, 
mixed w ith \ arious kinds of seeds. They laid t he tray in the center of 
the court and spread a blanket beside it, on which they placed all their 
bundles. One of their number then piled the cones, one on top of 
another, and while he was doing this the drummer rapidly beat his 
drum, while the othersshook their rattles and sung vigorously. When 
the cones had been set up one of the men sought out a girl and brought 
her to them and told her if she would take hold of the lowest cone with 
both hands, raise the pile, and set it back in place without letting any 
ot' the cones tall she should have all the wealth piled on the blanket. 
But the least jar tumbled the cones down, and each one of the half dozen 
or more uirls to whom they made the same oiler failed in turn. Then 
thej invited the youths to try. and several essayed, but none were able 
to perform i he teat. s,i the prize, doubtless designedly, was left in the 
original owner's hands. They then brought a blanket full of hoyiani 



1 The performances with the downs were not unlike others in whioh thoj app< :*■ 



BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. 



FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT. PL CVII 




A MQfH fc CO I PTW 



DOLL OF CALAKO MANA. 



fewkes) THE POWAMXJ CEREMONY 27!> 

and placed the cones in two piles, but even then none of the tfirls suc- 
ceeded in carrying it. No one was allowed a second trial. Finally 
one youth, Macakwaptiwa, carried them around safely and won the 
prize. He was closely followed around the pillar by the Tatcu'kti shak- 
ing their rattles, singing and crying, "Don't fall, don't fall," and when 
belaid them safely down in their original place all the Tatcu'kti fell 
down as if dead, tntiwa then ran and obtained ashes from a cooking 
pit and placed them on a private part of their bodies. Then all the 
clowns got up and danced around with their usual pranks. 

A tray full of coin and other seeds which was set beside the cones 
was obtained by the Tatcu'kti from Xakwaiyumsi, the chief priestess of 
the Katcina clan. At the close of the ceremony Intiwa distributed 
these seeds in small handluls to all the women spectators, to be planted 
the coming season. It was not learned that these seeds were conse- 
crated by the priestess, but they were part of those planted in the 
kivas on the night of the 21st. 

■ In unary 22 — The younger men brought sand from a mound 1 and 
threw it down in a pile at the east of the kiva, and each man, as he 
tame into the room with his basin, box, or other receptacle, filled it 
with this sand. He then thickly sprinkled the surface of the sand 
with seeds of every kind. Some had several vessels which they thus 
planted, and the old wife of Soyoko gave her grandson a bag of large 
white beans to plant for her. 2 The basins were well watered, a hot fire 
was kept in the kiva. and the hatch or entrance was entirely covered 
with a straw mat to retain the heat in the chamber, making it a verita- 
ble hothouse. 

January 21 — No ceremonies occurred today, but constant tires were 
maintained in the kivas, from tin; heat of which the beans soon sprouted. 
1 1 was understood that children must not be told that beans were grow- 
ing in the kivas nor be allowed to look into the room. 

January 25 — The Tatcii'kti went out from the Alkiva this morning 
for wood, making their way northward, past Wala and along the mesa 
to the cedar grove. They returned at evening, but left the wood they 
had gathered at the gap. 3 There was no singing nor dancing in the 
kivas during the night. 

January 20 — During the morning the Tatcii'kti went to Wala to 
bring in the wood they had collected yesterday. Before their depar- 
ture they covered their bodies with pinkish clay, put on an old kilt 
(kwaca j.' blue leggings, and masks with knobs. Each carried an eagle- 
tail feather in the left and a small gourd in the right hand. They 



1 lli.' mound from which ii was obtained is close i<» the base of the foothills eastward from Walpi. 
an<i all the sand i'"r Ml the kivas was obtained from this particular mound. 

'During the festival the women clip the hair of their children. The hair is cut over the entire 
cranium of the little boys, but in the case "I tin- girls a fringe is left around the base of t) 
especially on each side, for the i uaracteristic whorls worn by maidens. 

3 Tin- gap in tin- East mesa, known as Wala, whence the name of t he pueblo of Walpi at the western 
end of tin- Bame height. 

4 Woman s blanket without decoration. 



280 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [kth.asn.15 

returned along' the trail, marching in single file, with the loads of wood 
on their backs, stamping their feet as they came. They likewise shook 
their rattles and occasionally turned and walked backward. 

They first assembled around each of the kiva hatchways in llano, 
singing and chaffing one another, and were sprinkled with meal by the 
kiva chiefs. Proceeding onward to Sitcomovi, they went to the en- 
trances of the kivas of this pueblo and were there sprinkled with meal 
by the chiefs as they sang their curious songs, accompanying them 
with a stamping of the feet and a rotating movement of the body. It 
was after 1 oclock when they arrived at Walpi, for they halted a short 
time at the neck of the mesa to arrange their loads. As they entered 
the pueblo they advanced along the south street singing as they went. 

At the entrance to Tcivatokiva they stopped and told Pauwati wa a 
facetious story of their wood-gathering. lie sprinkled them with 
meal, and they then went on to the dance court and set down their 
bundles, all the time making a droll byplay. They then separated into 
parties of two or three members ami visited the houses of several 
women, with whom they left one or more bundles of wood. These 
women had previously prepared nakwakwocis, which they gave to the 
clowns with a handful of meal. 

After all the wood had been distributed, with much rollicking fun, 
several women gave them food, and the small parties of Tatcu'kti 
resumed their songs and marched through the dance court, where they 
all assembled. One of them was a drummer, who sat in the middle of 
the court, and the others danced about him in a circle, singing a Zufii 
song. Pauwatiwa, Tntiwa, Tcosra, and Soyoko sprinkled them with 
meal, and the first-mentioned invited the women who had been given 
wood to approach, which they did, sprinkling the individual Tatcii'ktis 
with meal. Their masks were then harshly removed and thrust into a 
bag, tied up in a bundle, and carried to the house of Wikyatiwa. 
Most of the food which they had received was carried down into the 
Alkiva, which was the assemblage place of the Tatcu'kti in this cere- 
mony. 

In all the kivas the beans had sprouted and were now called hazrii 
(angular), possibly so named from the angle formed by the cotyledons 
with the stem. When they had grown somewhat higher they were 
called wupahazrii (great or long, angular). 

January 28 — No ceremonials were observed on this day. 

January 29 — This was called the first ceremonial day of the Powa- 
muh. About 11 oclock last night the Xatacka donned their masks in the 
Alkiva, and the man who took the part of Hahaiwiiqti, the mother of 
the Xatackas, put on her disguise and took her long juniper bough. 
Hahawe went up the ladder, standing on it with his shoulders just 
above the hatchway, while the mother of the monsters stood at the 
foot of the same in the room. Assuming a hollow falsetto voice, iu 
which the mother of the Natackas always speaks, she announced that 



fewkes] THE POWAMU CEREMONY 281 

she was ready to visit the children. Hahawe shouted his replies to 
her in a voice audible through the pueblo that the children were all 
asleep and that she had better put off her visit to them until the morn- 
ing. A dialogue, the real object of which was to announce to the 
children that the Natackas had arrived, was maintained for Ave min- 
utes, and Hahawe then went down the ladder; the Nataekas and 
Hahaiwiiqti took oft' their masks and all laid down to sleep. 

About 4.L'<) p. m. the Tewa personification of Hahaiwiiqti, accom- 
panied by one Natacka, came to Walpi and went to Kokyanwii'qti's 
and Kele's houses, giving to the little girls a few seeds and a snare of 
yucca shred. They dressed the Walpi Hahaiwiiqti, Natackas, and 
Soyokmana in the Alkiva at 4.L'5 p. m. Hahaiwiiqti carried, besides a 
whitened gourd ladle, a basket (pdota) containing two ears of corn, 
and two boiled hoyiani, some squash seeds, and a small bundle of 
sticks, of which she gave one to each little girl, who will later redeem 
it by presenting Hahaiwiiqti with some hotomni. She gave each little 
boy, who will also redeem it with some kinds of game, a .-hred of yucca 
looped to a stick at the butt end (a rude snare). Natacka and Naamu 
wore cloth shirts, trousers and buckskin leggings, and two buckskins 
hung as loose mantles over their shoulders. The former carried a 
tortoise-shell rattle on his right leg, and had a bow and arrows in his 
left hand and an arrow in the right. Soydkmana had the hair smeared 
with white clay. She wore a loose mantle and whistled as Natacka 
hooted. Hahaiwiiqti wore a fox-skin around the neck. The hands of 
all were whitened. Soyokmana wore a hideous black mask and was 
dressed in dilapidated clothing. She had a large knife in her left hand 
and a crook in her right (plates CV and CVi). 

The Natacka helmets had turkey-tail feathers 1 closely radiating ver- 
tically at the crown, and they wore a cloth shirt and trousers, with belt 
with silver disks. Each had buckskin leggings and wore a fox-skin 
around the base of the mask; two large buckskins hung as mantles 
over the right shoulder. 1 le carried a bow and arrows 2 in the left hand 
and with his right hand he received the food and placed it in the 
tozrukf' slung over his right shoulder. Soyokmana was personified 
by a lad of 12 years, wearing a woman's blanket (kwaca) and a buck- 
skin mantle. He had a nakwakwoci, stained red, tied to the scalp lock. 

A similar group, all costumed identically, was prepared in each of 
the three villages. The group of Tewa personifications went to every 
house in that pueblo and then to the houses in other villages where 
men from Hano have married. The groups of the other towns go first 
to the houses of their own pueblo and then to the houses in the other 
villages where men have transferred themselves by marriage. 

When the Walpi group had finished their exercises at llano and Si- 
tcomovi they went back to Walpi and proceeded along the front side of 

•At the tip of the lowest tail feather on each side a nakwakwoci stained with crita was bung. 

3 Nat;ii ka carried a handsaw in the left hand. 

'Bandoleei 



282 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [ktii.ann.15 

their pueblo to their own kiva, where they disrobed about dark. The 
objecl of the exhibition was to frighten children who exhibited fear of 
them, but children <i years of age <>r thereabouts were somewhat famil- 
iar with them, and while it was evident they held the monsters in con- 
siderable awe they tried to assume a bold front when receiving the 
Seeds and snares. 

A I 8.30 a man personifying Tiiinaekatcina ran through Walpi from 

the Monkiva toward Wala. emitting 1 ts as he went. A full half 

hour after, about 9 oelock, a group of masked but uneostuineil men 
wrapped in blankets went to the kiva hatches and uttered most fero- 
cious groans for four or five minutes. This was done in an informal 
manner, but was said to be prescribed ceremonially. 

January 30 — Between 7 and 8 oelock Wikokuitkatcina emerged from 
the Alkiva, passed around Walpi to the east end of the pueblo, and 
then down through the north lane, past fntiwa's house, under the pas- 
sageways back to the Alkiva. Ilis body was painted white and he wore 
a blanket tied with a girdle (wukokwena), a fox-skin dangling at his 
loins. Nothing was elicited in relation to this event. 

Between 8 and 9 oelock uneostuined groups of Tatcii'kti went to the 
entrances of the kivas and laid themselves prone upon the hatch, their 
heads projecting over its edges. Several of them uttered their charac- 
teristic growls and pretended to snarl at and worry one another, pos- 
sibly imitating ferocious animals or monsters. One of them carried ou 
a dialogue with some one in the kiva. 

At 9 oelock Tiimac and two Tunwupkatcina (masked but uneos- 
tuined) made the tour of the pueblos, emitting peculiar hoots. Between 
9 and in oelock Owana zrozrokatcina and Wupamokatcina appeared 
separately, each making a solitary tour of the village. They were not 
masked, but so wrapped in blankets that their masks were not visible. 

At 10 oelock the Hano clowns and Natacka group came to Walpi 
and performed the same ceremony 7 as the Walpi group, which has been 
described. There was informal singing in all the kivas. 

January 31 — During this day the masks of Hililikatcina and Soyok- 
uiana were painted. After dark a masked man (Katcina not known) 
rushed through the pueblo, and shortly after Tiimac and her two sons 
(Tunwupkatcina), unmasked, ran through the pueblo hootiug. About 
9 oelock delegates from Sitcomovi, with a drum and rattles, made the 
rounds of Walpi and carried on a dialogue with the kiva chief. 

At 10 oelock 18 Tcakwainakatcinas came to the Monkiva from 
llano. They were naked, save a breeehcloth, but their bodies and 
limbs were ornamented with white zigzag markings. They 7 wore fillets 
of a dozen or more yucca bands around the head, and necklaces in pro- 
lusion on their necks. They passed in succession into the kivas, danc- 
ing a lew minutes in each, and returned home shortly before midnight. 

1 Hahaiwiiqti did not enter any of the houses, but merely went up the ladder two or throe runga 
and st. ioil there just high enough to bring her helmet on :t level with the first terrace. She then gave 
hi i -In ill hoot, and when the women bad brought out t heir children spoke to them in high falsetto. 



kewkes] THE POWAMU CEREMONY 283 

February J — Several till us (dolls) were carved in the kivas, to be 
distributed to the children as in the Fimankatcina. Tumac and her 
sons went anmnd the pueblo about half past 7 oclock, as on former 
evenings. 

In the Tcivatokiva 14 men and a boy about 10 years of aye, with 
Pauwatiwa as chief, whitened their faces, bound a fillet around their 
foreheads, and made curious crescentic marks on their cheeks. They 
afterward danced and sang. Sitcomovi priests, beginning at the Mon- 
kiva, made formal visits to each kiva in Walpi. There were 12 of these 
men and they were decorated like those of the Tcivatokiva. They sang 
Siohumiskatcina songs, but wore no masks. They later visited the 
Sitcomovi kivas. The Tcivatokiva people then put on their kilts, tied 
on their turtle shell rattles, took their juniper staffs and gourd rattles, 
and, led by Pauwatiwa, went to the Alkiva, and later to all the other 
kivas, where they danced and sang Pawik (duck) Katcina songs. Pau- 
watiwa sprinkled meal on the Katcinas from Sitcomovi before they 
began, and the chiefs of the other kivas did the same to those who 
visited them before they opened their dance. 

February 2 — This afternoon 8 girls, assisted by the men, washed the 
walls of the Monkiva with a thin mud made of valley sand. The fol- 
lowing girls took part in this work: Kaiydnsi, Huniisi, Humita, Lenho 
(a woman), Leunaisi, Tuvewaisi, Hokwati, and Honka. The girls also 
made mud designs, lightning symbols, and handprints on the rafters 
of the room. 

Tunwupkatcina' (personified by Takala) arrayed himself as follows: 
He donned trousers made of cotton cloth and wrapped himself in a 
blanket, under which he concealed all his paraphernalia. He received 
two bunches of yucca with about twelve or fifteen leaves in each bunch, 
and concealing them under his blanket hastened off to the northeastern 
end of the village. There he arrayed himself, and atop. m. he returned, 
running back and hooting as he came, until he halted at the court, where 
he kept trotting up and down, marking time. He wore a mud-head 
helmet with a black band across the eyes, and parrakeet feathers on the 
top of the head. Turkey-tail feathers were arranged radiating hori- 
zontally from the crown to the back of the head. He wore also a 
cotton shirt and a kilt girded with a white belt (wukokwena). He had 
yellow clay on his leys and a tortoise-shell rattle below each knee. His 

r casins were painted black. A whip or bunch of yucca with the 

butts in front was held in each hand. 

The children who were flogged were brought to Tufiwup in the fol- 
lowing way : The mother, sometimes accompanied by the father, led the 
child to the court, and if it were a boy the godfather took him in charge. 
lie gave the lad an ear of corn, his tedtcnunwa, and a handful of prayer 
meal, and led the frightened child close up to Tufiwup. The godfather 



'A figure of Tufiwupkachina with bin pet (pokema) appears on the reredos of the altar of the 
Efimankab ma (See Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, vol. it, No. 1.) The sprier 
which lie is depicted as i».inu- in the hand was supposed to represent a eoi nstalk, but from the 
new observations of tie- personification of Tunwup there is no doubt that a yucca whip was intended. 



284 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [bth.ann.15 

prompted the l>i>y. who cast bis handful of meal on <>r toward Tuiiwup. 
The godfather also cast meal on the same personage and then divested 
the boy of all Ins clothing and presented the lad with his back toward 
Tufiwup, who all this time had maintained his trotting motion but with- 
out advancing. Tuiiwup then plied one of his yucca wands vigorously, 
giving the boy five or six forcible lashes on the back. After this was 
over the godfather withdrew the screaming boy and tied a nakwakwoci 
to his scalplock. The mother was standing by and hurriedly covered 
her son, frightened with his punishment, and led him home, but the 
mother was careful to see that he carried his tcotcnunwa in his hand. 

If the child were a girl, her godmother led her up to Tufiwup, but 
her little gown was not taken oil'; only the mantle was removed for the 
flogging. Notwithstanding this, however, the blows were delivered 
with enough force to cause considerable pain, but her crying probably 
resulted as much from fright as from physical suffering. The god- 
mother led the little girl back to her home, after having cast meal on 
Tufiwup, and was very careful that the child carried her tcotcnunwa. 

There were five children of age varying from about eight to ten 
years who were thus flagellated. After each boy was flogged the god- 
father cast meal toward Tufiwup and then held out his own bared 
arms and legs successively, which Tuiiwup lashed four or live times 
with all his might; but no women were submitted to this flagellation. 
Several men who had some ailment also went up to Tufiwup, and cast- 
ing meal upon him received lashes on their bare arms and legs. 

The man who personified Tufiwup exercised considerable discretion 
in performing his duty. In the case of a little girl who showed more 
than ordinary fear, he simply whirled his yucca whip over her head with- 
out touching her. and then motioned her away; but on the arms and legs 
of the adults he laid his whip without restraint. When all had been 
flagellated, Pauwatiwa came up from his kiva and gave Tufiwup a 
handful of meal and a nakwakwoci. who then trotted oil. going outside 
the pueblo, possibly to preserve the illusion among the children that 
he was a real Katcina who had visited the pueblo from afar. 

For four successive mornings the flagellated child was taken to a 
point on the mesa called Talatiyuka and there deposited a nakwakwoci 
in a shrine and east meal toward the sun. During this time the child 
was not permitted to eat salt, nor flesh, but on the fourth day a little 
before sunset this abstineuce ceased, and the child might henceforth 
look upon Katcinas and sacred objects in the kivas without harm. 

The primary significance of the flogging seems to be that until 
children have acquired sufficient intelligence or are eight or ten years 
of age, they are made to believe that the Katcinas, appearing at each 
dance, are superhuman visitors, and they are never permitted to see an 
unmasked Katcina. When they have matured enough or have suffi- 
cient understanding, they are instructed that the real 1 Katcinas have 

■As I have already pointed out. the youth who dons the mask of a Katciua is believed to !>.. tor the 
time transformed into a deity (aoul). 



rawmts] the powami: ceremony 285 

loiiK since ceased their visits to mankind and are merely impersonated 
by men; but they acquire that knowledge at the expense of a sound 
flogging, such as I have just described. 
At 10 oclock six Tcii'tckutii (clowns), accompanied by Piptnkn, who 

was dressed as an old woman and wore an old mask, passed about the 
pueblo from om- kiva to another. These six persons entered the Mdfi 
kiva. and Piptnkn, alter some urging, followed them. One of the 
Tcii'tekiith was sent out, and the other five in succession took a pinch 
of ashes in the left hand from the fireplace, and poising it as if taking 
aim at something through the hatch struck off the ashes with the right 
hand. 

A few minutes later four Wnwfyomokatcinas wearing characteristic 
masks appeared at the kiva hatch with turkey feathers radiating ver- 
tically around tin- upper part. They carried monkohus' and an 
undressed >kin pouch. Their leader, Silanktiwa, was without costume, 
and Calako, Kwatcakwa, and seven other unmasked persons followed. 
Their faces and bodies were whitened, the hair hanging loose, and limbs 
bare. They wore plumes of gaudy feathers on their heads, were arrayed 
in white kilts, and held crooks in their hands. A personage called 
Bototo 2 preceded them, anil llahaiwiiqti, continually talking, fol- 
lowed. The procession was closed by a warrior (Kalektaka), 3 who car- 
ried a bundle of arrows in one hand and a bow and arrows in theother, 
and frequently hooted. The uncostumed chorus, composed of about 
twelve persons, accompanied by a drummer, followed in a cluster. 

When the leading Wuwiyomo came to tin; M on kiva he threw down 
the hatchway a ball of moist meal, which struck the middle of the 
floor. Alter this announcement he was clamorously invited by those 
within I he chamber to enter, which he did, followed by the others. 
Each Wuwiyomo bore a bundle of deer scapula-, which he clanked as 
a rattle, and all were sprinkled with meal by Intiwa as they entered 
the kiva. They afterward riled to the western side of the room where 
the plants were growing; they sang for about tive minutes, all standing. 

When Eototo entered the chamber he made on the floor with meal 
four symbols of the rain cloud, one in advance of the other, and each 
of the Calakos squatted on one of these symbols. The chorus, remain 
ing outside, continued their song for a few minutes, while the Wuwi- 
yomos were singing. Those who had last entered the kiva then. 
passed out in the same order, and as they did so were sprinkled 
witli meal, and each of the four Wuwiyomos was banded a nakwa- 
kwoci. They then visited theother Walpi kivas, where no observations 

■MoS, chief; knlm. wood — a chieftain's badge. 

sjSototo I Aiwoioto "i baa been described in my account of the daybreak ceremonials of the Fare 
well Katcina (.Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, voL II No. 1*. Hahaiwiiciti i, a s been 
figured and described iu my article on Certain Personages who Appear in a Tusavan Ceremony ( Amer- 
ican Anthropologist, .Ian nary, 1 -'u 

*A society comparable with the Pi iesl hood of the Bow" at Ziifii. This society is a priesthood 
apparently with much less power than thai of the neighboring Cibolan pueblo, bul its chief Pan- 
watiwa is powerful, ami El may be Maid, en passant, a most genial and highly valuable frieud to have 
in ethnologic work at Walpi. 



286 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eth ann.15 

were made, but the same ceremonials were probably repeated. After 
this they went off to perform the same ceremonies in the kivas of other 
villages on the mesa. 

At 11 oclock a group of 12 men and a boy from Hano, costumed but 
accompanied by an nncostnmed tiddler, 1 visited all the kivas in sueces- 
sion. Their bodies were painted white and they had plumes in their 
hair, but were unmasked. Each wore a fox skin depending from the 
loins, was barefoot, and carried a gourd rattle in the right hand and a 
sprig of spruce in the left hand. Their visits were expected, but they 
personated no especial katcina and after their departure the men in 
the MoBkiva rehearsed a song. 

February :-!— No ceremonial took place throughout the day. The 
walls of the kivas were renovated by the girls with a wash of mud, and 
every kiva on the mesa was replastered in this way during the festival. 

February 1— This day the manufacture of tihus (dolls) went on in 
all the kivas, and there was a continuation of the replastering and 
decoration of the walls of these chambers. 

At 9 oclock a dialogue similar to that above recorded on the 29th of 
January took place between Hahaiwiiqti and the kiva chief. The 
former wished to go among the children, but was told that it was very- 
dark and the children were asleep. She was finally prevailed on to 
wait until the morrow. 

At 10 p. in '-'() unmasked persons,' men aud womeu with flowing hair, 
from Sitcomovi visited all the YValpi kivas. Each of the male person 
ators carried a narrow green tablet ( pavaiyikaci ), : ' fringed with loug red 
hair and decorated with a symbol of the sun painted in colors. Each 
had a gourd rattle, and a stick about 2 feet long, to the end of which 
was attached half a gourd painted to represent a squash blossom, was 
held in the right hand. The 10 men personating women were not cos- 
tumed. The leader carried a large Oraibi basket tray with a broad, 
brightly colored handle. In this was an effigy of a bird. 

He set this tray on the floor near the fireplace, and after the chief of 
the kiva had sprinkled the visitors with meal a male and a female per- 
sonator advanced from the western end of the kiva to the fireplace. 
The man picked up the basket ou the butt end of his stick and pre- 
sented it to the woman, who held it in both hands and danced a few 
moments, while all the others sang. She then laid the tray down aud 
passed to the northern side of the. chamber, the man retiring to the 
southern side. After the other couples had performed the same cere- 
mony they left the kivas. 

Immediately after their departure 28 persouators from Hano entered. 
These consisted of male and lemale deities, the latter personated by 
men. The former passed to the southeru, the latter to the northern 

' His fiddle was a notched stick which he scraped with a sheep scapula 

3 Kawaikakatcinas Kawaika is a Hopi name for the Laguna people of Keresau stock 

3 See figure in Naacuuna, Journal of American Folk lore, July-September, 1892 



BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. 



FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT. PL CVIII. 




HOEN & CO., LlTH. 



KATCINA MASK WITH SQUASH BLOSSOM APPENDAGE AND RAIN CLOUD SYMBOLISM. 



fewkes] THE POWAMl': CEREMONY 287 

side of the kiva. Each of t lie male personages wore a yucca fillet on 
his bead aud hi^ legs were decorated with claystreaks; he wore white 
kilts ami girdles, with dependent fox skins. They also had tortoise 
rattles on the legs and carried a gourd rattle in the right hand. Their 

COStume was as follows: They were without masks; the hail' was loose 

and an imitation of a squash blossom was tied therein. The face was 
not colored, but on the right shoulder curving to the breast was daubed 
a mass of blue and green pigment. On die left shoulder and over 
the breast they were painted with yellow, and bright red streaks wen- 
drawn from the neck down the center of the breast and middle of the 
back. The, upper part of the right arm was colored yellow, the hit 
forearm green, the upper part of the left arm green. These colors 
were reversed on the right arm. The right leg also was yellow and 
the left leg was green with two contrasting bands below the knee. 
The hands, waist, and upper portion of the thighs were whitened. 
They likewise wore white kilts tied with girdles (wtikokwena and 
nanelkwena). A gray fox-skin depended from the loins. Bach had a 
tortoise shell rattle on the light leg and on the left leg generally a gar- 
ter to which small sleigh-bells were attached. Their moccasins were 
blue or green. In his right hand each carried a blue or green painted 
rattle, and in the left a sprig or small branch of spruce. Those per- 
sonating females neither wore fox skins nor held anything m the left 
hand. The female personators carried in the left hand a bundle of 
straw held well up before the face. After they had been sprinkled 
with meal they began to sing, and the couple in the center on the west 
side joined hands, holding them above the head — the female with the 
palm turned up, the male with the palm down and fingers imbricated. 
They advanced close to the fireplace and then returned to their respec- 
tive places. The personators executed this figure four times in sequence 
and then went out. 

Immediately after this presentai ion I he delegation from the Mbnkiva, 
led by a masked person, entered. The bodily decorations of these 
were not uniform; one, had a figure of a gourd drawn on his breast, 
another zigzag lines, and still another parallel bars. The males carried 
a gourd rattle in the right hand; they wore no fillets on the head but 
allowed the han to hang loosely. The female personators held a bunch 
of straw' and a sprig of spruce in the left hand, carrying it high up 
before the face. They sang the same song aud executed the same 
figure as that already mentioned in the account of the presentation by 
the men from the village of llano. The- groups finished their visits at 
about midday. 

'1 he signification of the bundle of Btravr may be that here we have the symbolic broom <<t t lie puri- 
fication ceremony, if I am right in my interpretation that tbe Powamo is a lustra] ceremony. In 

itl ceremonial Ocbpanitzli tbe raotber Toci carriea tbe broom, which in her symbol in tt 
ebration. as sbown in Seler'e interpretation "t tbe Humboldt manuscripts In this connection the 
reader la referred to the facte mentioned < en irtlcle that all the kivae are xeplaeti 

III.- coui - 



-SS l i -SAYAN KATCINAS [btb ann 15 

February 5— At earliest dawn (."> a. m.) either the chief or one of Ins 
elders roused all tbe sleepers in the kiva, and each spread his blanket 
beside Lis basm of growing plants, lie then carefully plucked the 
plauts, one by one, so as not to bruise either stalk or roots. Ho laid 
them on the blanket in an orderly pile, the leases together. The sand 
which remained in the basin was carried to some place w here children 
would not see it, and the vessels were dried before the kiva tire and 
hidden away in the houses out of sight of the prying eyes of the 
young ones. 

Nearly all the plants were tied with a yucca shred and a sprig of 
spruce (symbol of a Kateina), in neat bundles, leaving loose bights 
of the yucca by which to hold them. Each priest also tied up the dolls 
which he had made. All traces of the soil in which the corn had been 
forced to sprout had disappeared long before dawn. 

The presents (dolls) which were made in the Teivatoki were then dis- 
tributed by a man personifying Pawikkatcina, under the instruction 
ot those who had fashioned them. The distributing Katcinas of the 
Nacabki were two Nuvaktcinas,' and the same did this duty with the 
dolls in the Monkiva. For the Alkiva two Teoshiihiiwuh performed 
this duty. These Katcinas and two persons called Kaw.uka (Keres) 
from Sitcomovi bustled about tbe pueblo on their errands and the dis 
tribution was finished about sunrise. The men did not speak when 
they approached a house with their gifts, but hooted after the cus- 
totnaiy manner of Katcinas. 

Almost half an hour before sunrise the Soyokinana passed around 
the kivas, holding a dialogue at the hatchways with the chiefs inside. 
She wore a black conical mask with red mouth and white teeth, and 
was costumed as an old woman. In the right hand she bore a crook 
7 feet long, at the end of which were tied many shells. In the left hand 
she carried a knife smeared with rabbit blood. Hii'hiiwuh also held 
a dialogue with the kiva chiefs and made gifts of watermelons and 
Squashes to various persons. 

At 11. 3d a. in. Soyokinana, llahaiw iiqti, and the Natackas (plate OVI) 
made a visit to all the houses. They were followed by two Heheaka- 
teinas- with bags and pouches of food recently received, and alter them 
followed three black and two white Natackas. These live went together 
and were constantly in motion, moving or beating time with their feet. 

The strange company went to ea'-h house demanding food, and when 
it was refused or poor quality offered the Natackas uttered a hoot like 
an owl, and at the same time Soyokinana whistled. They refused to 
lease a house until proper food had been given them, and if a child w ho 
had not been ceremonially flogged appeared with the mother its eyes 
were shaded by the mother's hand while she presented food to the 
Natackas. 

1 Elision of tin- b) liable ka in tbia and similar oomponnda it* oommon. 

■ Che symbolism of their maaka and then dance if* desoribed In the Journal of Ajnerican Ethnology 
ami Archteologj . vol. it, No. 1. 



fkwkisj THE POWAMU CEREMONY 289 

Between 12 ami 1 oclock Intiwa, assisted by Hofiyi and Letaiyo, 
finished making twelve sets of cakwa (blue) pahos, most of which 
were composed of two sticks of uniform diameter, and only one set 
showed the flat face characteristic of the female. They likewise made 
twelve nakwakwoci hotomni, consisting of a twig about 2 feet long 
from which four nakwakwocis depended at intervals, and twelve simple 
leathered strings. When these were finished intiwa placed them in a 
tray of meal beside the sipapii and brought from the paraphernalia 
closei of the kiva six ears of corn of different colors, his tiponi, two 
nakwipis and as many aspergills, two or more rattles, and other bundles 
< taining the remaining paraphernalia of the cloud-charm altar. 

At 1.30 p. in. he placed a small hillock of sand back of the sipapu 
ami deposited his tiponi upright upon it: he then made the cloud- 
charm altar,' arranging the corn at the ends of six radial lines of meal 
in a sinistral circuit, placing two crystals upon each ear of corn except 
that corresponding to the nadir. The aspergills (makwampis) also 
were laid down beside each ear of corn except that which was symbolic 
of the nadir. The sequence of ceremonials which then took place about 
this altar was as follows: 

1. Ceremonial smoke. 

2. Prayers. 

3. Liquid poured into the crenelated vessel or nakwipi. 

4. Songs. 

Synopsis of ceremonial events during the songs: 

(a) Meal shaken from the six aspergills into the liquid. 

(b) Whistling into the liquid through a turkey bone, and 

asperging to the cardinal points with the same, six 
times in all. 

(c) Meal cast into liquid, on tray of pahos and over the tiponi 

in ceremonial circuit. 

(d) Pollen cast on the same objects in sequence. 

5. Prayers. 

6. Ceremonial smoke into the liquid with two pipes. 

At the close of this observance Hahaiwiiqti and the Natackas came 
to the kiva hatch and a comic dialogue ensued. She demanded meat 
and other food, and the elders went up the ladder and refused to grant 
her wishes. Xataeka hooted and Soyokmana whistled back, and then 
the Hebeakatcinas threw down the end of their lariat, and those in 
the kiva below hung a piece of sheepskin and horns of goats to it. 

Intiwa then called two youths, and without anointing them 2 gave 
them instructions where to deposit the offerings which had been conse- 

5ei Efim&nkatcina altar called nananivo pofiya, six-directions altar. Tin- whole ceremony is an 
invocation to the six world-quarter deities. 

I- the i iistom to anoint the feet, hands, etc, with honey when a person in sent out with 

oiler in: t Si-o " Sua ko ilance," Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, vol. IV.) 

St < i loud i harm altar in other ceremonials. It is rednndani in tliis plat e to repeal I hi -• ai i ounl - 

as the variations an- not important. (See Journal of American Etbnologf and Archaeology, vol. u, 

No. 1.) Tin- Pow aini'i altars art- tin- same as tin- Niinan. <j . v. 

1.3 ETH 19 



290 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eth.ans-.15 

crated on the cloud-charm altar. 3 One youth was told to deposit his at 
shrines in a circuit, beginning with Tawapa (Sun spring), and the other 
at Kokyanba (Spider spring) and Tuveskyabi. Two sets of offerings 
were left, and these with Katcinas were placed on the southwest point 
of the, mesa. Tliis closed the ceremony, for Intiwa then replaced the 
plug of the sipapu and tied up his tiponi and other paraphernalia. 

The Natacka group went to the Wikwaliobikiva, and there Soyoko 
gave each of them and the Heheakatcina a handful of meal and a 
nakwakwoci. Talahoya blew puffs of smoke over them. They then 
marched around the houses to the Nacabki, along the plaza to Tciva- 
toki, and then to Alkiva, where they begged for meat and held comic 
dialogues with different chiefs. At the last-mentioned place there 
came from the kiva six men arrayed and costumed as the Mamzrauti 
tcatumakaa, who, singing as they went, marched to the dance court and 
halted close to the edge of the cliff, facing the houses. The Natacka 
group accompanied them, and two men personifying Heheakatcinas 
assumed erotic paroxysms and lay down on their backs on the ground 
close to the disguised Mamzrauti personages, endeavoring to lift up 
their kilts and performing obscene actions. Then they rolled on the 
ground in assumed tits. The Natackas, as usual, maintained their 
prancing step around them, and occasionally Soyokmana thumped 
them with the butt end of her crook. After about five minutes of this 
exhibition the Hehea seized the Mamzrauti personators and tumbled 
them into an indiscriminate heap, fell on top of them, and did other 
acts which need not be mentioned. The Natacka then retired for food, 
and, unmasking in the kiva, did not again appear. 

February 6 — Food was carried to all the kivas yesterday morning, 
but there was neither dancing nor ceremonials. 

February 7 — No ceremony took place on this day, but the kiva chief 
and the Ileheakatcinas played a curious game of ball called suiiwu- 
winpa, in which the ball is attached to a looped string. The player 
lay on his hack and, passing the loop over the great toe, projected the 
ball back over his head. Two groups of these players were noted. 

The following Katcinas were personated in the Powamu of 1893: ' 

Hahaiwiiqti, Ancient Woman, Wuwiyomo. 

Mother of Monsters. Pawik, Duck. 

Natacka, Monster. Niivak, Snow. 

Soyokmana, Attendant of Natacka. Hehea. 

TuSwup, Flogging Katcina. Mamzrauti tcatumakaa. 

Ahii'l. Tcavaiyo, Giant Elk 

Tiimac, Mother of Ahii'l. Wupamo, Great Cloud. 

Wuyokwati. Owanazrozro, Stone Devourer. 
Tcakwaina. 

1 As the number of these personages was large in this presentation, this summary mention of their 
names may he of interest. 



fewkes] THE PALULUKONTI CEREMONY 291 

PALI I.iKONTI 

The sereeu drama of the Paliiliikonti ceremonial as performed in 1893 
has already been described. 1 

The following personifications of Katcinas appeared in the Paliilii- 
konti in 1S93: 

Coy6him, All. Hokyana. 

Pawik, Duck. Huhian, Barter. 

Tacab, Navaho. Calako, Calako. 

Its presentation in other years differs very materially from the 
description given. 

In the celebration of 1891 a wooden figure representing Calako was 
introduced with two carved marionettes, which were manipulated as if 
grinding corn, and serpent effigies were thrust through the sun open- 
ing of the screen. These were likewise used in the presentation iu 
1S!M.- 

The celebration of Paliiliikonti in 1894 was controlled by the Badger 
people, and the exhibition of the screen drama occurred March ll>. A 
number of slabs with symbolic figures of Tawa (the sun), and Cotiiki- 
nuiiwa (the heart of all the sky), and two small effigies of Paliilukonuh 
(plumed snake) were introduced. The two mechanical figurines, which 
were so manipulated as to appear to be in the act of grinding corn on 
metates, represented Calakomauas, and were made by Totci of the 
Badger people. 

This variation from year to year, it will be observed, preserves with- 
out change the various deities introduced and recalls what I have 
already written about the variations in altars of the Niman iu different 
villages. Iu stage effects latitude is permissible, but there is no change 
in the deities represented. Something similar occurs in the Mamzrauti, 
where, in 1891, tablets with Palahikomana symbols were used, while 
in 1893 women represented that personage. 

So far as I know the essential personages 3 to be represented by 
symbolism or by men in disguise, are: 

Tawa, Sun. 

Mu'iyawu, Moon. 

Cdtokinuhwa, Heart of the Sky. 

llahaiwiiqti, Ancient Mother. 

Paliiliikonti, Plumed Snake. 

< 'alako taka or mana, Corn Man or Maid. 

Various Katcinas, mentioned above, but these may vary year by year. 

Masauwuh, Fire God. 

Various Tcukuwympkiyas, Clowns. 



■Journal of American Folk-lore, October-December, 1893. 

'It will thus beseen that the details of this ceremony vary in different years, but the variation 
depends simply on tin- kiva presenting it. It is commonly sanl that t he original wiuii <>f the 
Paliiliikonti (Great Plumed Snake) were brought to Tusayan by the Water people from the far 
sonth. Other observations support tint, .statement. 

•To these must lie added the constant accompanying priests iu all ceremonials, who are unmasked 
and do not personate supernatural beings. 



292 TUSAYAN KATCINAS 



[ETH. ANN. 15 



NIMANKA IVINA 

Aii outline of the ceremonials attending the departure of the Katci- 
nas from three of the Tusayan villages has already been given else- 
where.' From new observations it is found that much remains to 
complete this account, but the main events have already been described. 
While the dance resembles the abbreviated Katcinas, from which it 
should not be widely separated, the altar and kiva ceremonials place it 
in the group of elaborate Katcinas or those with complicated secret 
usages. It is only in those villages in which are preserved the wind of 
the Kachina mofiwi that this celebration can occur, although, as we 
shall later see, abbreviated Katcinas are not so limited. It will prob- 
ably be found that any abbreviated Katcina may be used for the 
public dance of the Niman, but no abbreviated Katcina can have 
the secret ceremonials of the Niman without becoming the same. 
When the Katcina chief, Intiwa, sets up his altar it is but natural that 
any set of Katcinas may give the public dance, which, while a neces- 
sary accompaniment, is far from being prescribed as to kind. 

ABBREVIATED KATCINAS 
CHARACTERISTICS 

This group includes a large number of simple ceremonials in which 
a masked dance in public is the most significant part. The general 
character of these observances maybe seen by a consultation of my 
article, "A few summer ceremonials at the Tusayan pueblos. 1 ' 2 The 
distinctive name is determined by the characters personified as indi- 
cated by the symbolic markings of the masks or by other paraphernalia. 
No elaborate kiva ceremonials are performed. 3 

All the abbreviated presentations have certain common features 
which run through them. These characteristics may be learned from 
my description in the article on "The summer ceremonials," 4 but in 
order to make them more prominent I have mentioned them in an 
appended footnote. 2 

The special Katcina celebrated is designated by the symbolism 
depicted on the mask, which is repainted and redecorated according 
to the Katcina which it is intended to represent. For the special 

1 Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, vol. H, No. 1. 

2 Ibid. The following abbreviated Katcinas have been described and figured: (1) Humiskatcina, 
Corn Flower ; ("J) A fiakatcina, Long Beard; (3) Coyohi in katcina, All; (4) Heheakatcina; (5) Siokatcina, 
Zuni; (6) Mali'Latrina. The symbolic characters of the different Katcinas arc best shown in my 
article on " Dolls of the Tusayan Indians. 11 The Xiniaiikalcina is likewise outlined in the Journal 
of American Ethnology and Archaeology, op cit., and some of these ahhic\ iated Katcinas arc accom- 
paniments of the Niman. 

' flic participants of course frequent the kiva to prepare their masks and costume for one or more 
days previous to the public dance, and certain simple ceremonial objects, as pahos and nakwakwocis 
are made there, but in none of those Katcinas which are included in this group have I as yet observed 
any altar or the like. The very name " abbreviated " eliminates naturally these complex proceedings 
and paraphernalia, 

4 Op. cit. Tht- spruce tree of the Katcinas is commonly set up in the plaza. 



fewkes] FEATURES OF ABBREVIATED KATCINAS 293 

name and the accompanying symbolism a study of the dolls will give 
as good an idea as can yet be obtained from published articles. 1 

The participants in the abbreviated Katcinas may be divided into 
two groups: (1) The Katcinas, male and female, with related masked 
personages, and the priests who pray to them and sprinkle meal upon 
them, and (2) the accompanying clowns and masked or other persons 
who participate in their antics and presentation. The details of the 
proceedings of the second or possibly subordinate group vary in 
different dances more than those of the first. 

The participants of the first group are: 

1. Masked personages (always men) called Katcinas. 

2. Masked men, personifying women, (-ailed Katcinamanas. 

3. One or more masked persons, who vary in symbolic characters in 
different Katcinas. These are often absent. 

4. Priests (unmasked), directors of the dance, who sprinkle the 
Katcinas with sacred meal. These priests are vehicles of prayers to the 
Katcinas and masked participants, and are generally few in number. 

The presentation is accompanied with a feast 11 (generally at noon) 
limited to Katcinas and Katcinamanas. The Katcinas dance in line, 
sing, distribute gifts, but never utter any continuous sentence or prayer. 
The Katcinamanas dance in line facing the Katcinas, or kneel in front 
of the same, accompanying their songs with a rasping noise made by 
rubbing a scapula over a notched stick. Ordinarily their mask is 
identical in all Katcinas of the abbreviated form, and they generally 
have their hair in two whorls on the sides of the head, and wear white 
blankets and other feminine apparel. The second group of personifi- 
cations are the Teukiiwympkias (Tatcii'kti, knob-head priests; 
Tcii'ckiitu, gluttons; or Paiakaiamu, horned clowns). Their represen- 
tation consists of a series of antics and dramatizations, story telling, 
gluttony, obscene gestures or bawdy remarks, and flogging and other 
indignities heaped upon each other or upon accompanying masked 
persons. These representations and the personifications who carry on 
their portion of the observance vary in different reproductions of the 
same drama. 

The Tcukuwympkia do not dance or sing with the Katcinas, but 
sprinkle them witli meal and pray to them. While an essential fea- 
ture in certain abbreviated Katcinas, they are not always present, 
and their exhibition has many secular or temporal characteristics or 
innovations more or less dependent on the invention of the partici- 
pants. The masked persons who assist them are representatives of 
semiinythologic beings, called Piptuka, I'tci (Apache), Tacab (Xa 
valin . Kese, and others. A description of the various modifications 
of their performances would mean special account of each presentation 

•Doll* of the Tusayan Indians, op.cit. 

■ i|).- food is brought t ■» each by wives, daughters, or other women of his household. This lVaat 
take* plan- ni the open air, uot as at Zufii in the kivas. 



294 



TUSAYAN KATCINAS 



[ETH. ANN. 15 



and would vary in details for each exhibition, but except in a very 
general way these variations are quite unimportant in the study of the 
characteristics of the abbreviated Katcinas. The following- are some 
of the episodes introduced : 

1. Inordinate eating and begging, urine drinking, gluttony, and 
obscenity. 

2. flogging of one another, stripping off breeehcloths, drenching 
with foul water, ribald remarks to spectators, and comical episodes 
with donkeys and dogs. 




Fig. 4U — The AnakaU-ina. 

3. Story telling for pieces of corn under severe flogging by masked 
persons, races, smearing one another with blood, urinating upon one 
another, tormenting with cactus branches, etc. 

The Katcina dance ordinarily lasts from daybreak to sunset, with 
intermissions, during which the participants unmask under an over- 
hanging cliff on the southern side of the mesa. Here likewise they 
have their feast at midday. The dances in the forenoon are slimly 
attended by spectators, but in the afternoon all the terraces and 
roofs of the houses surrounding the plaza 1 in which the pillar mound 
is situated are occupied by natives and visitors. The line of Katcinas 
is led by an uncostumed chief, who sprinkles meal on the ground as he 
enters and leaves the dance court, and who from time to time shouts to 



1 This is thi- ouh plaza large enough fur a long line <>i dancers, anil hence is ordinarily used. 



BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. 



FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT. PL. CIX 




A. HOEN & CO.. LlTM. 



DOLL OF CALAKO TAKA. 



FEATURES OF ABBREVIATED KATCINAS 



295 



the dancers (figure 4(1). The leader of the Katcinas stands midway in 
the line, and by a rapid movement of his rattle as a signal changes the 
song and directs the termination. To him 1 as a representative the 
prayers are addressed. The dance is a rhythmic stamping movement 
of one foot on the ground, and all keep in line, elbowing their neigh- 
bors, turning now to one side, then to another, as directed. The female 
Katcinas face the male and stand about midway in the line. They use 
the serrated stick and scapula as an accompaniment to the song. 

Itiseommon for both male and female Katcinas to bring gifts to the plaza 
for spectators, especially 
children, as they return 
to the dance.-' These gifts 
are ordinarily corn, bread, or 
tortillas. It is customary 
for priests to sprinkle the 
Katcinas with sacred meal, 
and the Tcukuwympkiyas, 
or clowns, also perform this 
function. The tiponi or Ka- 
tcina badge of office is not 
carried in every celebration, 
nor does the Katcina chief, 
Intiwa. always lead the line. 

The one garment worn by 
the male Katcinas is the cer- 
emonial kilt. This is not 
contined to them, butislike- 
wise worn in other ceremo- 
nials, as in the Snake-Ante- 
lope observance and in minor 
celebrations. Every male 
Katcina, whatever his hel- 
met, has one of these about 
his loins. It is made of 
coarse cotton, on the ends 
of which are embroidered symbolic figures of rain-clouds, falling rain, 
and lightning. Ordinarily half of the width is painted green, and tin; 
lower edge is black, with nine square blocks of the same color at regular 
intervals. This kilt is represented on many dolls of the Katcinas figured 
in my article on that subject. 3 

The Katcinas, irrespective of the special personage depicted, wear a 
broad cotton sash with knotted strings at the proximal end. In this 

1 To these prayers lie alone responds ' A nirai," ri^ht. 

2 Tht> configuration of the mesa ami the fart thai tin- house walls rise almost continuously with the 
side ..t the cliff prevent tin' Katcinas dancing on the different sides of the pueblo, hut in Zufii the 
open spaces out shir tin village, in addition t<> the plaza in the heart of the pueblo, ate used for dances 
as I have elsewhere described. 

See also Journal of American Bthnolog^ and Archaeology, vol. iv, p. 66. 




Fin. 41 — Mashette of Anakateinamana. 



2!>6 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eth. anni:. 

bell spruce branches are held. A fox-skin depends from the belt, and 
turtle-shell rattles on the leg are invariably part of a Katcina's costume. 
Moccasins and heel bands are prescribed and bodily decoration with 
pigments is common, but none of the above are characteristic of special 
kinds of Katcinas. The mask is in general the one distinctive char 
acteristic of a definite personification. 

siliciuhii 

The Shalako is one of the most important observances at Zuiii, and is 
partially described by Cushiug in an article on his life in Zuiii. 1 An 
exhaustive account, however, has never been published. The Hopi 
occasionally celebrate a Calako, which from its name and other reasons 
is undoubtedly an incorporated modification of this ceremonial, as the 
Tusayan legends distinctly state.' The following pages give an outline 
of the llopi presentation as a contribution to the comparative study of 
Pueblo ritual. A complete account of the Shalako at ZuQi is a great 
desideratum before it is possible to undertake close comparisons. 

The presentation of Calako is not an annual event at. the East mesa 
of Tusayan, but occurs alter long intervals of time. The parapher- 
nalia are kept in a house in Sitcotnovi and belong to the Badger clan. 
The house in which they are deposited is the property of Koikaamii, 
the daughter of Masiumtiwa's eldest sister, now deceased, and the 
wind likewise belong to her by descent. 

The chiefs of all the gentes in Walpi and Sitcomovi, the chief of the 
Katcinas, and one or two others from llano assembled in this house on 
the 10th of .July, 1S93, and made a large number (over two hundred) 
of pahos for use in the ceremonials to be described. 

Early on the morning of the next day the masks and effigies of 
Siocalako were renovated and carried to the spring called Kwariwaba 
(sweet water), which is situated on the ZuQi trail southward from the 
mesa. In a modern house owned by a Sitcomovi family ' at this spring 
the masks were repainted and the hoops which were used to make a 
framework for the bodies were set around with eagle feathers. 

The effigies which were used in personifications were made up of 
masks or helmets of the ordinary size for the heads and a crinoline like' 
framework of willow hoops for the bodies. These masks were made 
from narrow shreds of leaves of the agave plaited together diagonally, 
and this plaited frame was covered with a painted buckskin upon 
which the symbolism of the Siocalako was delineated. The projecting 
beak of the face had a movable under jaw, which was hinged and 
manipulated with a string. The helmet was attached to a staff form- 
ing a backbone, 3J feet long, by which it was carried. The series of 

1 "Adventures in Zuiii,' Century Hagazine, vol. xxv, p. 507 el seq. 
Several ceremonials are derived from Zuiii, while others are peculiar to Tusayan. Thesymbolismof 
tin' Siocalako and the Hopi Calako is different. No girls (manas) were represented in the Siocalako. 

3 All the women and children «i' this family had been moved to the mesa a few days before. 

• Compare the crinoline hoops of the effigies of PaliilukoBfth iJournal of American Folk-Ion-. < Icto- 
ber-Decemher, 1893). 



fkwkes] THE SlOCALAKO 297 

crinoline hoops or supports of the blankets which formed the body 
were about fifteen in number, the upper being about the size of the 
helmet, the lower 4-i feet in diameter. A tii'ihi or large white embroid- 
ered mantle was draped about the upper hoops or the shoulders, and a 
gray Cox skin was hung around the neck, which was likewise profusely 
decorated with shell necklaces. 

The man who acted the part of bearer walked inside the crinoline, 
freely supporting the effigy by the staff or backbone, holding it at such 
a height as to permit the lowest hoop with its attached feathers to 
reach to his knees. Each elhgy bearer was bareheaded, and although 
hidden from view, was decorated with the white kilt of a typical 
Katcina. 

An uncostumed chief led the four giants in single file toward the 
mesa, followed by a large number of men dressed as mud-heads or 
Tatcii'kti, who were called "Koyimse," a term adapted from their 
Zuni name.' All who had sufficient knowledge of the idiom spoke 
Zuhi, and the procession reached the Sun spring (Tawapa) at about 
sunset. It was there met by two priests, Talahoya and a nephew of 
Masiumtiwa, who were to act as conductors. All were welcomed and 
homoya (prayers) were recited and much sacred meal was sprinkled. 
Headed by the two conductors the procession climbed the trad to the 
top of the mesa, and from thence marched into the main court of Si- 
tcomovi by the northeastern entrance, near which the men bearing the 
four giant effigies, together with the mud-heads, halted. Thelatter were 
closely huddled together in four groups, drumming with deafening 
noise on as many drums. 

The Katcina chief, Intiwa, and a man personifying Eototo 2 then 
drew four circles with intersecting lines of meal on the ground at the 
north side of the court in the positions indicated. This was followed 
by a command of Hahaiwiiqti, who signaled with an ear of corn for 
tin- fust (kwiniwi, north) Calako effigy to advance. He did so with a 
short, rapid step, and halted over the first circle of meal. The '-bearer" 
bobbed the effigy up and down so that the feathers which had been 
fastened to the lower hoop of the crinoline touched the ground. The 
bearer then stooped and rested the end of his staff on the ground, 
holding it upright. The other three giant impersonators were then 
brought up, one at a time, by Hahaiwiiqti. As each settled to its 
position the bearer cried '• Ho!" six times in a shrill falsetto, and rap- 
idly snapped the beak of the effigy he bore by means of a string. The 
Calakos were then sprinkled with meal by the chiefs and others, after 

which the effigies were ved one by one to circles of meal on the 

southern side of the plaza. Six times this removal was repeated, each 
time attended by ceremonials similar to those mentioned above. 

■ Koyeamashe (see Journal of A rican Ethnology and Archaeology, vol. i). 

*The association of E6toto with fntiwa has already been described in myacconnt of tin- Niinan- 
katcina (Journal of American Ethnology and Archajology, vol. n. No. 1). 



2i)8 



TUSAYAN KATt'INAS 



[•ETH. ANN. 15 



At the conclusion of this observa nee in the phi za the four giants were 
conducted by the chiefs of the Lizard, Asm, Badger, aud \V:iter gentes 
to the houses of the elder sisters of the respective clans. The Calako 
effigies were suspended by the mask from the rafters of each room, 
and as the length of each was 7 feet <> inches the tips of the radiating 
feathers on the head and those on the last hoop of the framework of 
the body just touched the roof and floor of the chamber. The same 
ceremony took place in each house and there were prayers by the 
elders, dancing by the effigy bearers, and singing and drumming by 
the "Koyimse." At sunrise — for the exhibitions in the houses lasted 
all night — a final presentation in the court similar to that which opened 
the ceremonies took place, after which the ( l&lakos and mud heads went 



IJIItuuiV. Positions. 






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V\>i. 42 Position of celebrants in the oouri of Sitoomovi in Stoertmko. 1 

to the cliff and unmasked at the Kachinaki. There they performed 
purification ceremonies (nav6tciwa) and dismantled the effigies. They 
donned their ordinary habiliments and smuggled the paraphernalia 
back into the chamber in Sitcomovi, where it is ordinarily kept. 

On the 8th and 9th of the month, following the demise of the ('ala- 
kos, a most elaborate Wawac or Racing Kutcma was performed.' 

i Explanation of the diagram : a, b, o, il. and « , b',C &', successive positions of the efflgj bearers on 
the northern and Bouthern sides of the plaza; e, Eototo; n, Hahalwuqti; i.fntiwn; t, Koyimse: >n, 
acoompanying celebrants. Thefigureso iand a d represent the circles of meal, with cross lines, 
oxer which the effigy bearers si a ml in the course of the ceremonials. 

'The general character of the Wawac is described iu my article in the Bulletin of the Essex Iusti 
tute, where certain of the masks made nsoofin it are figured The Racing Eatcina performed at 

this time was, however, much more plicated, and a description of it would be s digression from 

the subject of thisarticle. 



i%J 



FEWKE8] 



l'KKUMINAHIKS OP THE 1'AWIKK \TCI.\ \ 



299 



Tlie Pawikkatcina, which I observed at Sitcomovi in 1#92, had cer- 
tain differences from any abbreviated Katcina dance, which I have yet 
described, and illustrated the ceremonial reception of these personages 
after they had visited another pueblo. A priest of Sitcomovi suggested 
that his fellow villagers should send a delegation of young men to 
Cipaulovi to return a dance with which they had previously been 
honored by the latter pueblo. Accordingly t he masks were painted and 
the preliminary ceremonials took place in one of the Sitcomovi kivas, 




Fig, i. Bfaakof Pawikkatct fironl -lew). 

those who were to participate in the ceremonial beginning their work 
on the 25th of June. The visitors danced all day of the 27th at< 'ipaulovi, 
restedon the 28th, and continued their dame on the 29th at Sitcomovi. 
The ceremonials on their return at the trail approaching Sitcomovi took 
place oil June 28th, an hour before sunset. 

This dance differed very little from that of other Katcinas, to which 
attention has hitherto been directed.' There were twenty three Katci- 

' Journal ■•! \ mi i lean Kthnology and Arclueology, vol. 11, No. 1. 



W*l 



300 



TUSAYAX KATVINAS 



[Kill. ANN, 15 



nas and five 1 Katcinamanas, and the masks of both are illustrated in 
figures 43, II. : i ii * I 45, while one of the stall's which they bore is repre- 
sented in figure Hi. They sang five songs called Omowuh (cloud), 
Yoivikka (swift), Pakwa (frog), Pawykia (duck), and Patzro (quail). 
An interesting feature which I had never before scon in Tusayan 
abbreviated Katcinas was the unmasked dance in the Iriva. 8 

The secrel ceremonials in the ki\a were as follows: The three 
priests, who had previously bathed their heads in their own houses, 
made the pahos and nakwakwocis. Two of these men made four 
prayer sticks similar to those described in the Walpi ceremonial, ami 
one made a long single paho. These were deposited iii a fiat basket 




Fig. -14 Mask of Pawlkkatoina (aide view). 

tray and smoked upon by those present. Before beginning ihe manu- 
facture of the pahos the makers prepared themselves by a ceremonial 
smoke. At the same time that the pahos were made twenty-three 
nakwakwocis for the katcinas and five for the Kateinainanas were 
likewise manufactured. 



1 It was said that there ought to have been six (possibly one for eaoh oardinal point) of these, who 
are called Cm aata, Bistei 9 of the Pawikkatcinas. 

-I have not been permitted i" see the unmasked dance of the Koko in the Zufii kivaa, where ii is 
oommon, ami was glad to supplement raj observations by tin- same in one of I lu- Tusayan kivas. In 
{ho Rat <i nas which 1 saw in 189] ii Walpi there was no dance in the kivas. 

Che pipe was passed ceremonially after having been lit with n ooal (burning oornoob] brought by 
a woman from a house inSiteomori In most ceremonials it is also presoribed that themakersof 
pahos shall wash their heads before beginning their duties, hut tliis takes place in their own 
dwellings. 



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FEW HE- | 



PAWIKKA.TCINA 1'AKAI'HERNALIA 



301 



At midday food was passed down into the kiva. but before partaking 
of it one of the priests took a pinch of each kind of food (dunopna) 
and went with it to a clefl in the mesa on the north side of Sitcomovi. 
He there deposited it with a paho, a pinch of each kind of pigment 
used in painting the paraphernalia, a little tobacco, 1 but no sacred 







I p. [5 Mass ol Pawikkatcinamana. 



meal. Tins was an offering, it was said, to the Grand 
Canyon of the Colorado sipapfi. He then went to the 
southern side of the mesa and placed in a similar cleft 
a nakwakwoci, said to be an offering to Masauwuh. 

At sunrise on the 29th two offerings were deposited, 
and each of the twenty-three Katcinas placed his nak- 
wakwoci in a shrine. 

Ceremonials attending visits of people from adjacent 
or remote pueblos are simple but interesting. Tbe fol- 
lowing reception ceremony of visitors from a distant 
pueblo not of their own people was noted: In the prog- 
ress of the summer dances of W'alpi in 180.! 1 observed 
the ceremonial reception of several Xunis who came over 
to assist in the Humiskatcina. They were formally 
"received" in the WikwaUobi kiva by Intiwa,-' Kdpcli, 
llonyi. Pauatiwa, and Lesma. Tntiwa gave their head- 
man a twig of spruce, to which Lesma tied four nakwa 
kwocis. 



, Fig. 46— Stair of 

Tntiwa sprinkled it with sacred meal and laid p aW ikkatcina. 



■ '111. m. h I have fonnd to tin- use of tobacco in tbe ceremonial smoke bytbe 

American Indiana i- by Mtonardes. Tbia interesting deecription of tobacco and ita oaea, accom- 
panied with a figure of tin- plant, i - one of 'In- most complete for its date (1500) which 1 have Been. 

Intiwa is Katrina mofiwi, cbief of the Katcinss; Kopeli, cbief of the Snakt hered* 

itary Snake-Antelope cbief; Wiki, cbief of tbe Snak- - A nteloj.es; Pauatiwa. cbief of warriors; Lesma, 

Set -Journal of American Ethnology ami Archaeology, vr.l. n. No. 1. 



302 



TUSAVAN KATCINAS 



[ETH. ANN. 15 




■ -':■■ 



Mm, 



it in front lit' the ZuSis, ami finally all smoked together. This was 
said to be a formal act <>t' reception. 1 

The reception ceremony of the Pawikkatcinas when they returned 
from Cipaulovi was as follows: At 1 p.m. Pauatiwa's father, a very 

old man, sat on the edge of tlie mesa looking 
west and north toward Cipaulovi. lie called 
my attention to a line of men coming along the 
trail. When the line halted on the last rise 
before the trail ascends to the top of the mesa 
we went down to welcome them. 

Bach Katcina placed his helmet in one of two 
parallel lines arranged along the trail, ami in 
front of the two lines he laid the spruce bough 
which lie carried. In frontof this pile of spruce 
boughs an ear of corn was placed in the trail 
not far from the helmets. All the Katcinas then 
marched around the line in a sinistral circuit. 
sprinkling sacred meal upon the masks, corn, 
and spruce boughs and throwing a pinch along 
the trail in advance of the ear of corn. The 
^2 circuit around the line of helmets was sinistral, 
as in all Ilopi ceremonials. 

Nine old men then formed a circle at the left 
of the corn and smoked, sitting in a squatting 
posture.-' Mo one was allowed to go up the trail 
before this ceremony was completed, and one 
19'Kjg S who attempted to do so was warned back. A 
^ZaiKAwlS. short address of welcome was spoken by the 
priests to the leader of the Katcinas, and at 
sunset theypul on their masks and inarched to 
the plaza of Sitcomovi. They first danced on 
the southern, then on the eastern, and lastly 
on I he western sides of the plaza, omitting the 
northern side. The priests sprinkled the Ka- 
tcinas with sacred meal, observing the sinistral 
v*^\ • ceremonial circuit as they passed around the 
iaS^r^ ''"*'• ^ small spruce tree, upon which nak- 
^| ? 'y , wakwocis were tied, had been placed near the 



middle of the plaza. 




'When the inhabitants of another pueblo \isit that in which a 

Fw a Helmets,earofcorn.and ""H-ed dance is taking place, i. is oast -j forthe hosts to enter- 

opruoe bough a s ed for re- **i" "ysettmg before them i 1, and it is no uncommon thing to see 

cention ceremom visitors passing from house to house partaking of the pikami imusht 

and other delioaoiea. It is not unusual for r lie headmen ■ *!' one 

pueblo to send official thanks to the people of another tor their sacred dances and other efforts 

tor rain. In a memoir on the Si i.ik, dance 1 mention an instance where even the tlist.mi HavasapaJ 

brought offerings from their borne to Walpi (Journal of American Ethnology and Archseol- 

ol, tv). 

'-' I need not describe their actions, as I have already done so for other bTatcina dances (Journal of 

American Kthnolo^y ami Archaeology, vol. ti, No. 1.) 



FEWKE-] THE PAWIKKATC1NA AND ANAKATCINA 303 

The Katcinas and Catcinamanas then adjourned to the kiva, where 
they aumasked, placing their helmets in a row and the spruce boughs 
in the middle of the kiva. 1 The two priests seated themselves on the 
uprise, (me on each side of the ladder. 

On the following day the dance was continued from sunrise to sunset. 
In the afternoon there appeared the Tciikuwympkiya, .Muh'we (Owl 
Katcina), two Tcdsbiici, Pu'tLkonhoya (the Little War God), and a 
Navalio Katcina. 

XSAKATC1NA 

The celebration! of the Anakatcina ar Eano, in the Nimau of 1892, 
gave me the following additional data to that already mentioned in 
the description 2 of the Ana of L891. These are due in part to the 
variations in ceremonial customs, and are not regarded as essentials. 

The llopi Afiakatciiia was invited to Eano by Kalakwai, and its 
public presentation was identical with that of L89] and that of the 
Zuhi Kokokci. The antics of the gluttons were very much more coin 
plicated. This I ascribe to two causes — the rarity with which Katcinas 
are celebrated in llano, and the great need of rain at the time. 

One interesting but highly disgusting part of the show of these 
priests was the slaughter of a Luge d<>- and the use of his entrails and 
blood in distinguishing one of their number as Masauwuh, 3 the Death 
god. The details of this may be had by consultation with the author. 

About 4 oclock on the morning of the public dance of the Ana the 
participants danced in the Hano plaza, destitute of all clothing or 
helmets and accompanied by the clowns, also without masks. This 
feature I had not previously observed. After this early dance; palms 
were deposited at the shrine situated in the middle of the dance plaza. 

A- no account of the ceremonial deposit of offerings to the winds 
has ever been published, the following observations are given to (ill 
this gap in our knowledge. Probably the object of the wind offerings 
is propitiatory, for high wind, it is believed, blows away the rain, to 
produce which is the main object of the observance. Kwalakwa took 
for Tins purpose iii a blanket the following objects: Nakwakwocis, aa 
tive tobacco, paper bread, pikami (pudding mush i, sugar, and peaches. 
lie deposited a packet containing a pinch of each of these in six 

■One marked difference between Katcina and K6ko, or Bopiand Znni. dancers is thai in the latter 
the unmasked dance occurs in the kiva and the feaat is held in the Harm- place. Ai 
feast is open, and generally there is no unmasked dance. The feast in the kiva at Zuni is possibly 
a secondary modify atiou for effecting Becrecy. 

"Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, vol. ii.No. i. 

i is the only timo I have seen thi Death god personified. The Paiakaiamn rushed up to me 

ami del led a knife, and when I refused to boI a wan- of their intention, they sought other 

r brute, it was an exhibition of extri ery, but of course with no danger 

tators. Later in their antics the gluttons themselves were lightly struck with a 
cat in- branch, and the person who performed this painful a> t went from housetop to housetop touch* 
ing tli.- arm or neck of every spectator— man, woman, and child. During this dance these Tcuku- 
wympkiyas performed the disgusting art of drinking human urine. Mr Cubbing, in the ' 

■ <rds tiie slaughter of a dog in a similar manner, except that be says thai his lite was 
threatened before the dog was killed, aud it defianl attitude that he was not seized by the 

J,t : 1'.: : 



304 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [kth.ann.15 

shrines situated at cardinal points, beginning at the east.' The Hopi 
begin their ceremonial circuit ordinarily at the north, hut the Tewa. it 
wouhl seem, place their offerings in the following- order: Bast, north- 
west, southwest by south, southwest, southeast by east, southeast. 

In the interval between two of the dances, while the Katcinas were 
unmasked, and had halted under an overhanging rock on the trail a 
few feet below llano, 1 observed a test of endurance which I had never 
bel'i ire seen. Kopeli, the Snake chief, took a bundle of yucca branches, 
and different volunteers from the Katcinas, stepping up to him, first 
held out one arm, then the other; Kopeli struck the outstretched limb 
with more or less force, and at the conclusion presented his own arm 
and naked body for this trying ordeal. The Afiakalcina is illustrated 
in figure 10. 

COMPARATIVE STUDY OF KATCINA DANCES IN CIBOLA AND 

TUSAYAN 

The published material which can be used as a basis of comparison 
in the study of Katcinas in other villages is meager and insufficient. 
Even of the nearest pueblo, Zuiii, which has been more studied than 
many of the others, and in which Katcina observances closely akin to 
those of Tusayan are performed, the published accounts are very lim- 
ited. In a general way it seems to me that the Tusayan ceremonials 
are more showy and elaborate than those at Zufii. There is, however, 
one marked exception ; 2 the powerful war society, called the Priesthood 
of the Bow, has more elaborate ceremonials in Zufii than in VValpi, 
where this organization is weak. It is not possible from my limited 
knowledge of Zufii ceremonials to declare that it is less complicated 
than that of Tusayan. but 1 believe that the powerful organization men- 
tioned has had much to do with many of the differences between the two. 

One source of information in regard to the differences and likenesses 
between the Zufii and Hopi ceremonials is the testimony of the chiefs 
themselves. This does not hold in regard to modified ceremonials pri- 
marily the same or derived from a common source, and is only hearsay, 
not science. 

All the Hopi priests say that the Siotii (Zufiis) have no knowledge of 
the Tciitciibwimi (Snake Antelope mysteries). The same chiefs likewise 
claim that the Zufiis have no Mamzrauti, Lalakonti,' Wiiwiitcimti, and 
no societies corresponding to the Tataukyamu, Aaltu. or Kwakwantn. 

1 The direction of tie ceremonial cirouit of the Tewa is sinistral. In tins instance it began at the 
east. I believe this is the prescribed cirouil of all the Pueblos. Some of the Tewa have told me t hat 
in tbeir folktales their people did not emerge from the same Rtpapu as the Hopi. but from a Bipapo. to 
tin east. Although some of the priests say that all people came from the middle of the earth, from 
one sipapu, others believe thai each pueblo has its own ancestral geographical opening. The idea 
has been localized by en\ ironment, as la so often tin- ease with modified legends 

8 There are certainly more evidences of white man's influences in dance paraphernalia in Zufii than 
at Tusayan such tor instance, as tin 1 use of hats ami calico shirts in dances, American eh airs, rules. 
et< . eto. 

> Notwithstanding this statement, I have already pointed out similarities between both these 
women's celebrations ami certain Zufii dances (see American Anthropologist, vol. v, p. 236, note). 



fewki ■ COMPARISON OF PUEBLO BELIEFS 305 

Although they may not reproduce some of these ceremonials in the 
form celebrated by the Bopi, it is nol clear to me that souk-, of those 

which fchey observe may aot be differentiations of the sai jeremony, 

as 1 have shown in my accounts of the women's dances. 1 There is a 
marked similarity in many of the myths, which would seem to imply 
resemblances in ritualistic dramatizations of the same. 

It i- possible to verily historical data and legendary history by a 
study of the same ceremony. For instance, the five oldest Tusayan 
pueblos of which we have accounts in the earliest records are Awatobi, 
Walpi, Micoflinovi, Cunopavi, and Oraibi. ' Awatobi was destroyed in 
1700, so that but four original communities of the time of Vargas still 
remain. It is in these four and at Cipaulovi that the Snake ceremony 
is still celebrated, and Sitcomovi and Hano are ascribed by Hopi legends 
to a much later time than the first appearance of the Sp aniards ; their 
names do not appear in the early descriptions of the province. 

It is ;i mistaken idea, and one which has led to many misconceptions, 
to suppose that what is tine of one group oi pueblos is fine of all. 
While in a general way the mythology and ritual of all may he said to 
have general resemblances, there is far from an identity between the 

(•ere nials, for instance, of the llopi and the Znhi, or those of the 

Rio < rrande pueblos and Tusayan. It is not a question of knowing all 
by an intimate knowledge of one; bul each branch, even individual 
pueblos, must, be investigated separately before by comparative knowl- 
edge we can obtain an adequate conception of the character of the 
pueblo type of myl hology and ritual. Moreover, there is evidence that 
this difference existed in ancient t hues, and while the differentiation of 
the manners and customs of different pueblos may have been less rapid 
in the past than today they were far from being identical. It does not 
follow, excepl in certain limits, that the most primitive pueblos todaj 
show in their survivals a better picture of the character of life in an- 
other pueblo than the existing state of things ill the latter. To recon- 
struct, the probable character of the ancient culture we must trace 
similarities by comparative studies. 

In a comparative study of the ceremonials of different pueblos, 
it is important to decide, which are most, primitive or nearest the abo 
rigiual condition and which are least affected by foreign influences. 
The purer t Ik- present aboriginal culture. I 1m- greater worth will it have 

ina (Zufii, Owinahe), a kind of thanksgiving dance, la distinctly a ZnBi dai o r g 

tli.- Hopi. E havi tphs of the celebration at Znnlwhicb bear Bach a dost 

ilancc t<, tlui called by tin- Hopi the H6w ina that in all probability the two are identical. The 

elaborate war dances celebrated al Zufif and the oi the Priesthood of the Bow at that 

much abbreviated in Tusayan (Bas1 mesa) where the organization has not th 

i as wiili i he Cibolans. 

ulovi, or the "Place of Peaches," would necessarily have received its name after those who 

brought i" me among the Hopi. It is known that Sitcomovi was a late colony ol peopli 

from the Kio Grande, united with • om Walpi, while Hano was founded about 1700. Thi 

i, | peopli I o ,r.it.- the Flute ceremony, and tin; Flute people came to Tusayan shortly 

after the Snake. It would thus appear that we have a date to determine that the Flute people came 
to i lyan after Vargas a 1782 ays that the people of Xipaulovi (Cipaulo 

opavi). 
1.-, eth I'll 



306 TUSAYAN KATC1NAS [eth.aiw.15 

in our approximation to ;i true conception of the primitive pueblo cul- 
ture. Many of the Pueblos practice a religious system which may be 
rightly called aboriginal, but in some it lias been modified by outside 
influences. 1 think no one, for instance, would say that the present 
Zufii custom of burial in a churchyard was not due in part to the influ- 
ence of Catholic priests, for Spanish narratives of three and a half cen- 
turies ago are quite explicit in their statement that the Zunis burned 
their dead. 1 f one custom has been changed, how are we to distinguish 
the modified from the primitive 1 it can be shown that strong influ- 
ences have been used for the direct purpose of destroying the Ka- 
tciua worship. Take, for instance. Zufii, the least changed of all the 
pueblos except those of Tusayan. It is pagan today, and probably 
never was profoundly modified by Christianity, but Roman Catholic 
fathers, with the avowed determination to Christianize it, could not 
have lived there continuously for over a century and caused the great 
missions to be built without modifying the religious customs of the 
Zunians. It is said that after the priests were driven out the Pueblos 
returned to their ancient practices, but it must be admitted that no one 
has yet shown how the pure Katcina practices were preserved over three 
generations. They returned to an old worship, but who has evidence 
to say that it was the same as thai of their great-great-grandfathers? 

In some instances the natives have very willingly adopted Christian 
teaching's and the Christian < rod, believing that by so doing their own 
religion would necessarily become strengthened by an addition to their 
pantheon. Such adoption, however,no matter how regarded by them, 
made a permanent impression on their primitive condition by changing 
their mode of thought and life. 

They apparently may have abandoned all that the church taught: 
but what means could have been used to restore the pure worship of 
pre-Columbian times? The culture which was revived was aboriginal, 
but could never lie identical ' with that of the times before Coronado. 

Thequestion then resolves itself into a historical one — which pueblos 
were the home of Catholic priests for the shortest time, and in which 
were their influences least powerful? The historian will of course 
answer the Tusayan pueblos, and ethnology contributes her quota of 
facts to indicate that the purest form of Pueblo ceremonials are now 
practiced by these villagers. 

Although there arc several ceremonials which the Ilopi claim are not 
performed at Zuui, and conversely others performed at Zufii which are 
not observed in Tusayan, there is a similarity, differing in details, be- 
tween the Koko and Katcina dances close enough to show their iden- 
tity. The Ilopi recognize this fact, and to prove it I need only mention 
that the Anakatcma in 1891 was danced at Zufii by some of the Ilopi 
as a Koko. I have already pointed out the identity of the masks, para- 
phernalia, and songs of the Kdkokshi, performed by the Zufiians. and 

1 1 <1<» not for a moment doubt tit at even when nominally Christianized f lie succession "t' the chiefs 
in i he se> eral sacerdotal societies Ins not been broken ap to our t Line. 



BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. 



FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT. PL. CXI 




A. HOEN I CO.. LITH. 



A POWAMU MASK. 



ZUNI AND HOPI CEREMONIES 



307 



the Aiiakatciiia at Walpi. There is n«> doubt in my mind that they are 
the same, but I can not accept the dictum that what is observed in one 
is identical with what exists in the other. There are slight modifica- 
tions which exist likewise in different Hopi villages, as will be seen by 
a comparison of my descriptions of the two. One marked difference is 
that several Kokokshi dances were performed in the summer I spent 
at Zufii, and that this identical Katcina (the Ana) is performed but once 
each summer in any one Hopi- village. 

The only other Koko 1 dance which I know of from personal observa- 
tion is the tablet dance, which is in many respects homologous with the 
Humiskatcina. The symbolism of the mask and tablet, however, dif- 




Fi<:. 48— Symbolism (if the helmet "f HYmjiskatcina (tablet removed). 

fers from the H funis, and while in a speculative way 1 regard them the 
same we must await more research to prove them identical. The sub- 
ject is still more complicated by the fact that the Hopi have a tablet 
mask with still a third symbolic character, which they call the Zufii or 
Siohumiskatcina. 

I think we need have no hesitation in supposing that the so-called Sio 
(Zufii) Katcina, winch I have elsewhere described, is a Zufii celebra- 
tion derived from that pueblo. I do not know whether it is ever 
performed there in the same way as at Walpi, since it has not been 
described by any of the students of the Zuiiians. 

We have, however, as before mentioned, a partial description by 
Gushing of the Zufii Shalako, and from his account we can gather a 

'Coco in Spanish signifies a bogy. In compounds it ran be detected in Cocomaricopa, where 11 may 

mean i<m.1 ].<i-*iMv referr n_ r to the inferiority of this stem. The derivation of Koko or Ka'ka is not 
known to me The wr.nl Katcina lia^ i be advantage of Koko or Ka'ka as a general designation. 



308 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eth. asn. 15 

few of the main points of difference between it and the Siocalako 
performed at NN'nlju and described in the preceding pages. The Hopi, 
however, have a Calako of their own. They distinguish it from the 
Siocalako, which they not only recognize as of Zuni origin, but are 
also aide to designate the family which brought it from the ZuSians. 
The name of the celebration and the use of Zuni words in it both 
point to this conclusion. 

The correspondence between the Heemashikwi, or last 1 dance — the 
tablet dance described by me elsewhere as occurring at the close of the 
series of kokos — is probably the same as the Ximankateina. There 
are many similarities to indicate this fact, and, although as yet we 
know nothing of the secret observances connected with it, 1 suspect 
that a similarity between them and those described in the MoTikiva 
will later be made known. 

Dolls in imitation of the Ilcemashikwi are reported in the catalogue 
of Colonel James Stevenson's collection from Zuni in 1881, and I have 
no doubt it will be found that there formerly was, and possibly still sur- 
vives, at the celebration of this dance at Zuni the characteristic habit 
in Tusayan of distributing dolls as presents at the departure of the 
Kachinas. 

Mrs Stevenson has given short descriptions of some of the Zuni 
Kokos and figures of the masks of the same. While it is not possible 
for me to use them in a comparison with Katcina celebrations, they 
are interesting in studies of symbolism. The "flogging Kokos." for 
instance, seem to function the same as Tuiiwup among the Hopi, but 
as the symbolism of the mask of the floggers, Saiahlias. is not given by 
Mrs Stevenson I am not able to express an opinion whether the same 
personage is intended or not. The tunc of year when the Ilagcllatioii 
is inflicted by the Saiahlia of Zuni would be an interesting observation, 
and the accompanying ceremonials would also be of great interest lor 
comparison with the I'owamu. 

1 have not been able to find the equivalents of the Salamobias among 
the Hopi. but the symbolism of Pooatiwa agrees almost exactly with 
that of the Hopi l'antiw a. 

The Salamobias of the different world- quarters agree in color with 
those assigned by the llopi to the same points, witli the exception of 
those for the above and below. In Zuni, according to dishing and 
Mrs Stevenson, the above is all colors, the below- black. Among the 
Hopi the above was found to be black and the below all colors. This 
discrepancy in observations is recommended as a good subject for 
future students, both in Tusayan and Zuni. 

In reviewing the Hopi ceremonial personages 1 have been unable to 
rind any homology with the Salamobias. The views of the masks- 



'That is, tin' last iv;iti iu:t before their departure in Cibola, as in Tusayan. In Walpi it is not an 
autumn (lame but oocurs at about tin- same time that I w itnessed it at Zuni. near the end of July 
(see Journal <>t American Ethnology ami A.rchfeology, \ "1. i. No 1 1. 

: It is recommended that in illustrating Zuni masks a full face Tien be given, for in that waj tin:* 
symbolism is much bettei expressed than by profile views. 



fewki zr\r AND HOPI CEREMONIES 309 

given by Mrs Stevenson afford little information on this subject, but 
in her sand picture, surrounded by the Plumed Snake, I find some of 
the figures of Saliimobias wit li indication of a connecting band between 
the eyes, which recalls Paiitiwa's 1 symbolism. There does nol seem to 
be a wide difference between the profile views of the masks of Pautiwa 
and Siilamobia of the different world-quarters. 

The environmenl of the pueblos of Tusayan and of Cibola is so 
similar and the rain cloud worship so imperative in both that, a, priori, 
we should expect tin- rain-cloud symbol to Ik- as frequenl in Zuui as in 
Walpi. I am much surprised therefore in studying the, description of 
Zuui ceremonials to find nothing said of the characteristic Hopi sym- 
bols of tin- lain clouds, tin- semicircles and the parallel lines of falling 
rain (plate OVIII). If the rain clouds at Xu in are limited to the terraced 8 
figures found on the prayer-meal bonis and the same made in sacred 
inea I we cei tainly have a significant difference between t he symbolism 
of these two peoples. In Tusayan there is not one of the great religious 

festivals where the semicircular clouds and falling rain do not appear 

a> symbols. Thus far students of t he Zuiii ceremonials have not figured 
one instance in which they are used. 3 
The short account of the effigy of the Plumed Snake (Kdlowisi) with 

attendant ceremonials at Zufii. by Mv± Stevenson, shows the existence 

of archaic rites with the Plu 1 Serpent which have been observed in 

a different form Paliiliikouti) al Tusayan. The time of the year when 
the Zuui effigy is brought to the kivas on a rude altar is not givenj nor 
is the special name of the ceremony. The conch -hell is similarly used 
to imitate t In- voice of the, Plumed Serpent at Zuui. as at Walpi, in the 
Soyaluua and the I 'aliiliikoht i. In neither of these ceremonials, how- 
ever, have the effigies been observed to be carried ceremonially about 
tin- pueblos of the Tusayan mesas. The symbolism of Palulukonuh and 
Kolowisi seems to differ, judging from published accounts and sym- 
bolism on Zuiii and llopi pottery. I find no intimation of the horn on 
the head of Zuui pictures of the I'lumed Snake, and the arrowhead 
decoration fails on the body. The two crescents which are common on 
tin- body of the Zufii figures have not been observed in llopi picto 
graphs in- effigies. 

It would seem both from legendary and other reasons that there has 

not been the warmest friendship between the inhabitants of Tust 

and Cibola. This is not to be wondered at. In! only on rate occasions 

has there been good feeling between two pueblos even of the same 

Pooatiwa is considered by Mrs Steves Sun Father." I have not gone far enough in my 

to accept this relationship for P tiwathe 

MistFathei has led me to interpret the Saiamohias as Palitiwa forms of the rain- 

clouds of the Bix world -quart* i hi opinion is highly theoretical. 

Thel i nakwipia and bandied prayer-roc ascan 

oics; hot the semicircular rain-cloud iij eryrare, 

indeed wanting, in nil I 1 \i, tadpole, unak'-. ami similar symbols appi 

in both. The question of tin- characteristic symbolism of Zufii and llopi pott 
complicated one. which can not an readily he distin- 

■ by a student of this subject. 

ii aremarkabh counta of this symbolism are not latei 



310 TUSAYAX KATCINAS [eth.ann.15 

speech. The massacre of Awatobi at the hands of the other Hopi has 
been told elsewhere, and even at the present day Oraibi is not on the 
best of terms with the other Hopi towns. The legends of the Hopi 

are full of quarrels of one pueblo with another, and bitter hatred some- 
times developing into bloody wars in which their own kindred were 
attacked and pueblos destroyed. 

In her article. "A chapter of Zuhi mythology," 1 Airs Stevenson says: 
••The Ahshiwanni.- a priesthood of fourteen men who fast and pray for 
rain: the Kokko, an organization bearing the name of anthropomorphic 
beings (principally ancestral) whom they personate, and thirteen eso- 
teric societies are the three fundamental religious bodies of Zuni 
• • • The society of the Kokko personate anthropomorphic puis 
by wearing masks and other paraphernalia. There are six estufas or 
chambers of the Kokko for the six regions, the north, west, south, east, 
zenith, and nadir, ami these rooms present fantastic scenes when the 
primitive drama is enacted by the personators of these anthropomor- 
phic gods. • • • The esoteric societies, with but one or two excep- 
tions, have nothing to do with anthropomorphic beings, this category 
of gods being zoomorphie." 

Accepting these statements as a correct idea of the "three fundamen- 
tal religious bodies of Zuni" I find great difficulty in tracing an intimate 
relation between them and those of the Hopi system. A large number 
of the Katcinas are anthropomorphic and likewise ancestral. They 
bear the names of animals, and in that sense may be called in some 
instances zoomorphie. Walpi, however, has but five kivas, the members 
of each of which in the Powamu personify different Katcinas. I have 
not yet discovered that each of these kivas is associated with a different 
cardinal world- quarter, as Mrs Stevenson finds to be the case in Zuni. 
The esoteric societies of the Zuni. according to Mrs Stevenson, "with 
but one or two exceptions have nothing to do with anthropomorphic 
beings." I am not able to harmonize my observations of the secret 
societies in Tusayan with the definition given of the esoteric societies in 
Zuhi, and must await some clearer insight into the character of the 
latter before offering any discussion of several resemblances which can 
be detected. From an examination of Cushing's article in the Century 
Magazine, in which the esoteric societies of Zuni are briefly defined, I 
am led to believe that the so-called esoteric societies in that pueblo 
differ a good deal from those in Walpi. The Hopi testify that while 
some of their secret fraternities are represented in Zuni several of 
them are not identical. 1 

1 Memoirs of the International Congress of Anthropology . ' !hicago, 1*'.'4, p. 315. 

2 On page 314 she mentions six Ahshiwanni as "rain priests. 1 ' I am not ahle to definitely decide 
from the text " hether these six an- the same as the fourteen mentioned above. It is not clear to me 
in which group Mrs Stevenson places the "Mud heads ' and "Gluttons," well described by Ten 
Broeck in 1S52 from Tusayan, and later by herself and Cashing from Zuhi, and by other writers from 
the Rio Grande pueblos. 

3 If these statements are true one sees that they tell in favor i>t the theory which the ritual empha- 
sized, and that while m a general way there is a similarity between the ceremonial system of the two 



FEWKEB] RAIN PRIESTS 3 1 1 

Mrs Stevenson dues not make it clear who these fourteen (six) so- 
called Ahshiwanni are. hui calls them "rain priests." She intimates 
that they appeal directly to the Sun father, their supreme deity, and to 
the rain makers, while the "societies" address "the beast gods of their 
worship to intercede with the Sun father and rain makers." There 
is apparently no parallelism Net ween these conditions and those at 
Tusayan, but I can readily find truth in the statement when applied to 
the llopi that "no society convenes without giving much time to invo- 
cations for rain." I am sure that some of the societies at Tusayan do 
not appeal to the beast gods to intercede with the Sun father and rain 
makers, but address the latter directly in their prayers. In this par- 
ticular there is certainly a marked difference between the conceptions 
back of the rites in Tusayan and those ascribed to the Cibolans. 1 

The custom of the Yokimofiwi, or rain chief, retiring alone to a cell 
to pray for rain was practiced in Tusayan. One of these retreats is to 
be seen at the. Middle mesa. Among the foothills there is a block of 
sandstone, 15 feet long, .j feet wide, and i feet thick. Its flat face is 
about horizontal or slightly tilted toward the northeast. Portions of a 
rough wall are still in place under the block, confirming the story that 
there was here formerly a chamber of which the block was the roof. An 
aperture on the northeastern corner, about 20 inches square, is usually 
closed with loose stones, but the chamber is now filled in with sand to 
within about -' feet of the roof or lower surface of the slab. The inte- 
rior of the chamber was about 8 feet long and 4 feet wide. On the 
roof, which was painted white, are figures of yellow, green, red, and 
white rain clouds with parallel lines of fallingrain and zigzag lightning 
symbols in conventional patterns. To this chamber, it is said, the Rain 
chief of the Water people retired at planting time and lived there six- 
teen days, his food being brought to him by a girl during his vigils. He 

people, it i- absurd lo Bay that "what is written <>! one is true also of the other." Long ago thi tr 
systems may have been identical; at presi n1 they have more or less differentiated one from the other, 
In Zuui. a< cording to Mr-* Stevenson, "at tin- \\ in ter and summer solstices synchronal meetingsof 
must of these societies an- held, and also at other times." Alter having carefully Btudied tin- cere- 
monials at tin- time of the summer solstir. at Tusayan, I have not found any synchronal meetings of 
t!i, so* ieties « bit h corri spond with those mentioned as occurring at Zuiii at that time. 

'It is desirable that tin- names of the priests who officiate iu ceremonials be given in extended 
accounts of them in order that the intimate character of this sacerdotal organization may be made 
out. Until the names of the members of the different societies are complete we are more or less ham- 
pered in our studies. The Zuui equivalent of wympkia appears to be kyalikwe (Tcihkyalikwe, Snake 
priests; from tcihtola, snake, ami kyalikwe, wympkia). I am unable to tell to what priests in Tusayan 
the "Ahshiwanni" correspond. The Tawa (Sun) wympkia or Sun priests have certain points in com- 
mon with them, hut this is as truly an esoteric society as any in Tusayan. I bavo elsewhere described 
the Tewa ceremony iu -which the Sun priests make the pahos and their chief, Kalacai, appeals directly 
to tin- rising sun. In thai same ceremony pahos are likewise made to the Rain gods directly. In the 
Katcina ci lebrations some of tin- same Sun priests, however, appeal to the leader of the Katcinas to 
bring them rain, and this personage replies that he will. In this case, supposing, as I think we justly 
can, that tin- Katcinas are intercessors between men ami gods of highest rank, we have in Tusayan 
t la' possible equivalent of tin- "Ahshiwanni (rain priests)" intrusting their prayers to a zoomorphic 
and anthropomorphic supernatural personage, 'the prayer of a single chief for rain for tin- people, 
show in g something similar to tin- so called Ahshiw aim i at Zuiii, are not uncommon in Tusayan. In 
Tusayan an organization of rain priests is not differentiated at the present day from tl ther socio. 

ties. All holders of w inn's an- Rain priests as well as tin- organization called tin- Sun priests, ami all 

at limes make special prayers to tie- Rain gods. 



312 TTJSAYAN KATCINAS [bth.ans.18 

was a Mr bj his prayers to bring the rain. These visits were made long 
ago, tmt even now there are piihos strewn about the chamber, and 
devout persons visil the place at tbe preseul day with a uakwtfkwoci and 
pray for rain. Although tbe Rain chief no longer passes the sixteen 
davs there, it is a 1 n > I \ place for the purposes mentioned. 

"The earth,'' says Mrs Stevenson, "is watered bj thedeceased Zuni 
of In uli sexes, who are controlled and directed by a council composed of 
ancestral gods. These shadow people collect water in vases and gourd 
jugs from the six greal waters of the world, and pass to and frooverthe 
middle plane, protected from view of the people below by cloud masks." 

1 find a different conception from this of the rain-making powers of 
the dead among the 1 lopi. Among other ceremonials, when certain per 
sous die. after the thin has been blackened, the body washed, and pre 
scribed feathers placed on different partsof it. a thill wad of raw cotton 
ill which is punched holes for the eyes is laid upon the face. This is a 
mask and is called a rain (loud or "prayer to the dead to bring the rain." 
In general, as many writers have said, the use of the mask transforms 
the wearer into a deity designated by the symbolism of the same, 9 and 
as a consequence the dead, we may theoretically suppose, are thereby 
en, lowed with supernatural powers to bring rain. The Omowuhs, how- 
ever, are the Rain gods, and so far as 1 can explain the significance of 
the symbolic rain cloud mask on the face of the dead ami the black 
color on the chin, it is simply a method of prayer through the divini ed 
dead to the Kain cloud deities. Among the llopi the earth is watered 
by the Rain gods, but the dead are ceremonially made intercessors to 
affect them. In this view of the case the llopi may he said t>> believe 
that the earth is •• watered by thedeceased of both sexes." 

The llopi believe thai the breath body of the Zuni goes to a sacred 
place near Saint Johns, called Wenima. There the dead are supposed 
to be changed into Katciuas, and the place is reputed to be one of the 
homes of these personages. It is likewise specially spoken of as the 
house of Cillako, and if is believed thai the Zuni hold the same views 
of this mysterious place. In lagoons near it turtles are abundant, and 
not tar away Mr llubbell and others discovered sacrificial caverns in 
which were large collections of pottery. Totci. a llopi resident of 
Zuni, is the authority for the statement that the OibolatlS do not use 
the raw cotton mortuary mask, although they blacken the face of the 
dead chiefs. He says the same idea of divini/at ion of the breath body 
into a Katcina seems to be current among the Zuni as among the llopi. 

\. cording to Mrs Stevenson the fat her of the Kokko is Kaklo Ky.iklm. 
w hose servants are the Saliimobiyas. The name of their mother is not 
known tome. The Katciuas are said to be the offspring of an Earth 

'Op, .it., p. 314. I believe man_\ facts might be marshaled to prove that ancestor worship i^ a most 
vital ]>:ut of the Tusayau n ligious S3 

Dho Graff collection of Greek portraits," Ne^i England atagn ine January, 1894. Mr. it; 
Jour. Axith. Inst, of Great Britain and Eroland, vol. xv, p. t;:i from comparative studies <>t' 
burial customs suggests that the habit of masking 1 ho dead t- "to keep the way to the g 
from the dead man. " This explanation seems to no- much more labored than that giveu nlw > 



KATCINA AND K^KO CEREMONIALS- 313 

goddee . who figures under many names. Their fal tier's name on com 
pararive grounds is supposed to be Tawa, the sun, or Tuiiwup, their 
elder brother. 

A stud} of 1 1 1 « - group of Katcina ceremonials as compared with the 
K6ko brings out in prominence the conclusion thai while Borne of them 
may be identical, as a rule there is considerable difference in the ritual 
of the I Hi people and their nearest neighbor, the Zuiii. If varia- 

tions exisl between these neighbors we are justified in the suspicion, 
winch observation as far as it has thus far gone supports, thai there 
am even wider differences between pueblos more distant from each 
other. The ethnologist fully cognizant with the ritual in one pueblo 
has a genera] conception of tin- character of all, but changes due to 
suppression of ceremonials, survivals, dying out <>f societies, and many 
othercauses have modified the pueblos in different ways. Thechar- 
acter of the ancienl system is adulterated in all. Wecan form an idea 
Hi this modification in no better way than by a minute study of the 
existing ritual in every pueblo. Upon such comprehensive study 
science is at the very threshold. 

The foregoing pages open many considerations of a theoretical nature 
which I have not attempted to develop. My g olicitude has 

in ■ ii in sketch tin- outline of the Katcina ceremonials as performed at 
the llopi village of Walpi in Tusayan. 



■Hahafwuqti. I have elsewhere sho tosnspect that several pei bethesame 

'Earth godd. ifl ' K6\ anwiiqti, thi Sp! oman, is also an "Earth goddi La everything, 

i •■ womb of the itfg not Burp 

tbat an Indian should call the spider the creator. I aterpret 

r philosophic ideas. That the primitive mind should consider the earth as the 
motbei of i aatnral; thai the Pueblo Indian should symbolize 

thai mother by the Spider woman i?> probable, (or other races have done Ii] 

Li. mother earth the spiritual idea which (absurd. I! 

bears do evidence tl . Columbian times, the belief in 



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